Jr 신주쿠 역에서 신주쿠 교엔까지는 다음 경로로 이동하는 것을 추천한다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

어쨌든 그러다가 지난 겨울, 그러니까 2월에 도쿄갈 일이 생겨서 간김에 성지순례나 해보자 해서 신주쿠 교엔에 갔다. 도쿄 신주쿠교엔 봄에는 가봤는데 겨울에는 첨 가봤죠. 봄 이외에도 다양한 꽃들과 나무가 심어져. 신주쿠 공원 겨울에도 괜찮은듯 일본여행 관동이외 마이너.

휑함 산책이 아니라 뭐 기대하면 실망할걸 ㅋㅋ.. 여름에 한번 가보고 싶음 겨울도 좋았지만 역시 정원은 푸르름 보는 맛으로 가는거지.. 겨울에 도쿄가는대 공원은 일정에서 다 빼야겠음 일본여행..

겨울에 메이지 신궁이나 신주쿠 교엔은 별로임.

천천히 걸으며 서로 이야기를 나누는 시간을 즐기는 것이 신주쿠 교엔 데이트의 묘미다.

신주쿠 교엔 티켓 신주쿠 교엔을 즐기기 위해 필요한 티켓 정보를 정리했습니다.

티켓 가격, 사전 예약이 필요한지 여부 등을 정리했습니다.. Com › iamjerry125 › 222978555527신주쿠교엔 겨울에 방문하기 가는 법, 입장료, 내부 안내, 다실, 언.. 신주쿠, 신주쿠 교엔 신주쿠 교엔 겨울 경치와 볼거리를 sns 포스팅과 함께 소개합니다 디시..

날씨도 굉장히 좋을때고, 신주쿠교엔 자체가 이쁜 공원이기때문에 밤에 연인이랑 가서 빌려주는 등불 하나들고 산책하면 좋은 추억이 되겠습니다. Com › iamjerry125 › 222978555527신주쿠교엔 겨울에 방문하기 가는 법, 입장료, 내부 안내, 다실, 언. 탁 트여있고 큼직큼직한 나무 드문드문 있어서 산책하기엔 진짜 좋은 분위기인데 500엔 내고 산책. 5km에 달하며, 이는 신주쿠 일대에서 가장 크다.

운영시간은 자연광과 계절적 요소를 고려해 설계되어 있으며, 특히 신주쿠 교엔은 해질 무렵 공원의 풍경이 아름답기로 유명합니다.

65세 이상은 나이를 확인할 수 있는 증명서를 제시해 주십시오. 가격 500엔인데, 재입장 가능해서 좋음. 아, 초보자들을 위해서 한 가지 덧붙이자면 jr 신주쿠 역은 더럽게 크고, 복잡하기 때문에 모든 jr 신주쿠 역에서 15분이 걸리는 건 아님. 신주쿠교엔은 여름에 가야 좋다 일본여행 디시인사이드.

히토미 접속 불법 신주쿠교엔 여기는 겨울에 올 장소가 아니네 일본여행. 일붕이는 갤러리에서 권장하는 read more. 겨울에 신주쿠 교엔 어떻습니까 형님들 일본여행. 수백 년의 세월이 빚어낸 고목들이 노란 단풍으로 물들었다. 겨울에 갈거라 날씨도 추울테니 공원 갈 시간에 도쿄에 예쁜 카페를 간다든가, 일정에 넣지 않았던 지브리 스튜디오를 간다든가 하는게 더 낫겠는데. 히토미야동

히토미 오크 Keywords 신주쿠 교엔 겨울 풍경, 일본 가을 여행, 도쿄의 단풍 명소, 12월 도쿄 여행 추천, 은행나무와 단풍 비교, 일본 가을 관광, 신주쿠 여행 정보, 일본의 아름다운 자연, 겨울철 일본 여행, 도쿄에서 즐길 거리. 신주쿠교엔 여기는 겨울에 올 장소가 아니네 일본여행. 신주쿠 교엔 영업시간은 각 계절별 월별 다르기 때문에 아래 정보를 미리 확인하고 방문하세요. 거기서 입장해서 프랑스정원 영국정원 스타벅스 일본식 정원 신주쿠쪽 입구. 겨울에 도쿄가는대 공원은 일정에서 다 빼야겠음 일본여행. 히토미 콘크리트

히토미 항문 신주쿠교엔은 여름에 가야 좋다 일본여행 디시인사이드. 신주쿠교엔 겨울에가도 볼만한가요 일본여행 관동이외. 일붕이는 갤러리에서 권장하는 read more. 일본정원어량전대만각풍경온실식충식물 네펜데스. Com › board › view여름에 올리는 도쿄의 겨울 일루미 실시간 베스트 갤러리. 히토미 브라이어

히토미 아이돌 태그 ② jr 신주쿠 역 동남쪽 출구 에스컬레이터, 엘리베이터를 이용해 역 앞 광장에서 내린다. 겨울 특유의 조용한 공간에서 둘만의 특별한 시간을 만끽해 보자. 가을엔 오후4시까지라 아침먹고 후딱 가는거 추천. 수백 년의 세월이 빚어낸 고목들이 노란 단풍으로 물들었다. Com › board › view여름에 올리는 도쿄의 겨울 일루미 실시간 베스트 갤러리.

히토미 후배위 나리타에서 탄 버스에서 내린 부산 촌놈이 멍하게 둘러본 신주쿠는 말 그대로 천지개벽이란 말이 어울리는 멋진 도시였다. 가격 500엔인데, 재입장 가능해서 좋음. 티켓 가격, 사전 예약이 필요한지 여부 등을 정리했습니다. 5km에 달하며, 이는 신주쿠 일대에서 가장 크다. 신주쿠교엔은 쉽덕 아니더라도 갈만한듯 일본여행.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.