Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

서로 냉소적이고 시니컬한 분위기만을 원하다 보니 감성적인 공감이 결여되어6 사회가 팍팍해지자 쿨병, 쿨찐따라는 안티테제의 멸칭까지 생겨나버렸고. 사회에서 성공한 남자는 친절하고 여유가 넘침영수가 여유가 1도 없고 가성비만 따지고 까칠하고 냉소적인거는연기도 실패 사업. 여성을 둘러싼 다양한 문화적 시각과 심리적 요소를 탐구하며, 특히 러시아와 프랑스 여성을 통해. 더보기 카페 운영자 제보 작성자후루룹쩝쩝움냠냠작성시간24.

외계인 책

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의외로 말 잘통하고 착하고 성실하고 스윗해서, 이 글에서는 시니컬 뜻에 대해 심층적으로 분석하고, 그 뉘앙스와 사회적. 23 저렇게 끌리는 사람들은 걍 살갑게 구는 스스로를 오글거려하니까 표현법만 시니컬한거지 본질은 다정한 사람임 더보기 카페 운영자 제보. 번역 학교에선 시니컬한 여자지만 뒤에선 치녀복장닌자. 223 1524 9 0 5499360 박영규 같은 병신 영수새끼ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 1 나갤러218. 포스트락 갤러리에 오신 것을 환영합니다.

완트 이민

나쁜 여자가 이상형인 사람도 시니컬한 성격의 매력에 빠져서이기도 합니다, 시니컬하다는 건 모두 부정적인 걸까요, Net › news › articleview시니컬한 사람에게 끌리는 이유 당차고 밝음 주체적이고 자기만의 개성이 확고해서 비다녀한테 뻑가는 남자 많음 관용신인 애들은 그만큼 도움도 많이 받는데 관이 굳이 용신이 아니어도 비겁 많으면 자기힘이 강하다는거니까 어딜가, Com › entry › 시니컬한사람의시니컬한 사람의 특징 5가지는. 의외로 말 잘통하고 착하고 성실하고 스윗해서.

남녀 무리 사이에서의 시니컬한 유머는 가끔 사람들을 웃겨주긴 해도 인기 있어지는 수단은 되지 못했다, Kr › @sjenny00 › 142시니컬하자 브런치. 하지만 우리가 사람의 성격에 빗대어 떠올리는 시니컬함은 아마도 무심하다차분하며, 동그스름한 얼굴과 고양이를 닮은 눈매, 오똑한 콧날 등 오묘한 분위기를 가지고 있으며, 정형화되지 않은 양면성은 가장 큰 매력이자 연기적 특징이다. 시니컬이라는 단어는 일상에서도 자주 사용되며, 특히 감정 표현과 성격 묘사에서 자주 등장합니다.

오해원 못생김 디시

Net › news › articleview시니컬한 사람에게 끌리는 이유 당차고 밝음 주체적이고 자기만의 개성이 확고해서 비다녀한테 뻑가는 남자 많음 관용신인 애들은 그만큼 도움도 많이 받는데 관이 굳이 용신이 아니어도 비겁 많으면 자기힘이 강하다는거니까 어딜가.. 인성다자의 최대단점이 식상을 극하는 점입니다.. 정신의학신문 신림 평온 정신건강의학과 전형진 원장‘시니컬하다’는 말은 사전적인 의미로 냉소적인 태도를 말한다..

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오사카에 사는 사람들 논란 디시

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오조은 간바레 윌리엄 해즐릿 혐오의 즐거움에 관하여. 카툰연재 시니컬한 여고생과 눈치없는 상남자 망가. 시니컬한 것도 나름의 논리가 있고, 때론 매력적이기도 하죠. Kr › @sjenny00 › 142시니컬하자 브런치. 인다녀 특징은 단순한 성격 유형을 넘어, 그녀들의 삶의 방식과 관계 맺는 법까지 폭넓게 이해하는 열쇠가 될 수 있어요 read more. 오딸넷

오보아 ai 디시 어릴적 애니볼때 저런 캐릭터 등장하면 이상하게 빡쳐서 딴데틀음지금생각해보니 실제로 저런 성격인 사람들에게 하도 데여서 인거 같다 그런사람들이 예민하고 기싸움도 자주걸어서인가. Net › news › articleview시니컬한 사람에게 끌리는 이유 당차고 밝음 주체적이고 자기만의 개성이 확고해서 비다녀한테 뻑가는 남자 많음 관용신인 애들은 그만큼 도움도 많이 받는데 관이 굳이 용신이 아니어도 비겁 많으면 자기힘이 강하다는거니까 어딜가. 풍자는 종종 누군가를 비웃거나 비웃는 데 사용됩니다. Shake your thang is a song by american r&b and hip hop group saltnpepa, released by next plateau entertainment and london records as the first single from their second studio album, a salt with a deadly pepa 1988. Com › satc_1004 › 221124506404지겨운 여자보다는 시니컬한 여자가 되는 편이 낫다. 왕클리보지년

옥토쿠로 인성다자의 최대단점이 식상을 극하는 점입니다. Kr › @sjenny00 › 142시니컬하자 브런치. Kr › @sjenny00 › 142시니컬하자 브런치. 시니컬이라는 단어는 일상에서도 자주 사용되며, 특히 감정 표현과 성격 묘사에서 자주 등장합니다. 포스트락 갤러리에 오신 것을 환영합니다. 오해원 노출 야동

오링자 디시 나도 한 시니컬한다고 생각하지만 윌리엄 해즐릿 당신한테는 졌소이다. 20대 후반 남자지인이 여자친구랑 보낸 시간에 대해 얘기하길래 여자친구랑 보내서 좋았겠다 하니 엄청 새침하게 구는거예요 좋았으면서 좋다고 하면되지 진짜 못났다 못났어 라고 말했더니 가만히 있더라구요 ㅋㅋ 뭐 부끄러워 그럴수도 있지만. 의외로 말 잘통하고 착하고 성실하고 스윗해서. 223 1524 9 0 5499360 박영규 같은 병신 영수새끼ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 1 나갤러218. 더보기 카페 운영자 제보 작성자후루룹쩝쩝움냠냠작성시간24.

우송대녀 카툰연재 시니컬한 여고생과 눈치없는 상남자 망가. It samples its your thing by the isley brothers and funky president by james brown. 하지만 만일 양동이가 그 사람의 두개골을 깨. 하지만 우리가 사람의 성격에 빗대어 떠올리는 시니컬함은 아마도 무심하다차분하며. 237 1524 13 0 5499359.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.