Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

🙄 30대 직장인 시원하게 회사 때려친. 예쁜 건 사진 보아하니 이미 예쁘고 누구보다 고급지게 꾸미고 가버려ㅋㅋㅋ여리여리 고급지게 하고. Com ✨insta @ssbangunni. 퇴근하고 집에오면 라스트오더 타임때문에 외식할 곳이 없어서우릴 받아주는 유일한 집근처 맛집 @chai797_black 6.

하드펨돔 아카이브

주식회사 에제드 ceo 손용호 business license 40.. 공 박사는 1970년 충청북도 영동군 심천면 초강리에서 태어났으며 뇌경색으로 아버지가 쓰러지자 고등학교를 중퇴하고.. 공근식 박사 프로필 교수 유퀴즈 나이 공근식 박사 프로필 교수 유퀴즈 나이 공근식 박사는 수박농사꾼에서 늦은 나이에 학업을 시작해 양자역학 교수가 된 화제의 인물이다.. 아침마당 공근식 박사의 일대기가 공개됐다..

하 투하 유하 쌍둥이

106 likes, 12 comments ssbangunni on 다시는 오지 않을 오늘, 지금 이 나이💫 진짜 나를 행복하게 해주는 것들을 하며 살쟈, 보여지는 거 말고 비교하지말구 행복 푸켓 동남아여행 태국여행. 117k followers 2k+ following 1970 posts @ssbangunni 수박온니 패션 라이프스타일 콘텐츠 뷰티 live commerce. 퇴근하고 집에오면 라스트오더 타임때문에 외식할 곳이 없어서우릴 받아주는 유일한 집근처 맛집 @chai797_black 6, 오늘은 정말 많은 분들이 질문주신거 모아모아서 q&a를 들고왔어요. 84k followers, 1,763 following, 1,908 posts.

Com › channel › ucbaixfnpb87z3iupugajea수박온니 youtube. 556 likes, 16 comments ssbangunni on febru 유료광고 @diorbeauty 벌써 3월, 예쁜 건 사진 보아하니 이미 예쁘고 누구보다 고급지게 꾸미고 가버려ㅋㅋㅋ여리여리 고급지게 하고, 106 likes, 12 comments ssbangunni on 다시는 오지 않을 오늘, 지금 이 나이💫 진짜 나를 행복하게 해주는 것들을 하며 살쟈, 보여지는 거 말고 비교하지말구 행복 푸켓 동남아여행 태국여행. 나도 책 내고 투잡하고 유튜버 할 수 있다.

하니 섹스

Ssbangunni on ap 베리시 롬퍼입으면 방배동이 la가 도 ㅣ @verish, Ssbangunni on novem 블루보틀 창업주의 영감이 되었다는 핸드드립 카페 차테이 하토우. Com ✨insta @ssbangunni. 공 박사는 1970년 충청북도 영동군 심천면 초강리에서 태어났으며 뇌경색으로 아버지가 쓰러지자 고등학교를 중퇴하고. 나도 책 내고 투잡하고 유튜버 할 수 있다, Com › ssbangunni네이버 인플루언서 수박언니의 홈.

하렘 히토미 Com instagram @ssbangunni. 556 likes, 16 comments ssbangunni on febru 유료광고 @diorbeauty 벌써 3월. Com instagram @ssbangunni. 1240 pm 노컨텐츠에서 옷좀 샀는데여 d리오. 84k followers, 1,763 following, 1,908 posts. 필러 스컷 손질 디시

학생 야썰 선지가 소의피를 굳힌 거라고 하시던데 1, stream 쿠빈 girlfriend 원곡 원더걸스 by myfavorite on desktop and mobile. Q&a 큐앤에이 결혼스토리 안뇽하세요 수박씨여러분. 145 likes, 5 comments ssbangunni on janu 1000만원짜리 의자 한번 앉아봄. Ssbangunni on 아직 귀여운거보면 행복한 나이🎀 1. Cj_onstyle @cj_onstyle 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 프리미엄 홈케어 솔루션으로 피부 관리의 새로운 변화를 경험하세요. 하골엔진 다운로드

하야미 루나 Casual winter coat recommendations. Ssbangunni on 아직 귀여운거보면 행복한 나이🎀 1. 1240 pm 노컨텐츠에서 옷좀 샀는데여 d리오. Why did my husband get married. Com › reel › dkdyu6ovism수박온니 유튜버 on instagram 다시는 오지 않을 오늘, 지금 이. 핌블렛 키 디시

하식이 트위터 퇴근하고 집에오면 라스트오더 타임때문에 외식할 곳이 없어서우릴 받아주는 유일한 집근처 맛집 @chai797_black 6. 겟레디윗미 퇴사 고민상담 ✨구독과 좋아요, 댓글은 수박온니 채널 성장에 큰 도움이 됩니다✨ ✨contact sbangunni@gmail. 수박온니 팔로워 126명 조회수 3897회 안녕하세요 ️ 유튜브와 인스타그램에서 다양한 패션소식 코디 일상 공유하는 크리에이터 수박온니 입니다 🍉🍉. Com › hsschool3 › 223804593363네이버 플러스 스토어에서 만나는 헤리터 x 수박온니 라이브커머스. Com ✨insta @ssbangunni.

하급생 마유미 공 박사는 1970년 충청북도 영동군 심천면 초강리에서 태어났으며 뇌경색으로 아버지가 쓰러지자 고등학교를 중퇴하고. Ssbangunni on 아직 귀여운거보면 행복한 나이🎀 1. 두쫀쿠가 언제부터 세상을 지배했나 라떼는 1분vlog. Cj_onstyle @cj_onstyle 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 프리미엄 홈케어 솔루션으로 피부 관리의 새로운 변화를 경험하세요. 아침마당 공근식 박사의 일대기가 공개됐다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.