Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이날 서하준은 신랑수업 출연 계기에 대해. 사진 채널a `요즘 남자 라이프신랑수업 제공 photo@newsis. 사진 채널a `요즘 남자 라이프신랑수업 제공 photo@newsis. 때마침 신랑수업이라는 프로그램을 알게 됐고, 좋은 신랑이 되기.

Bts 슈가와 나의 공통점은 같은 빵을 먹었다는 것.. 서하준 8분 20초짜리 몸캠에서 정액 쏘고 그런다는데 ㅇㅇ175.. 논란이 됐던 동영상에 대해서도 아니라고 하는 게 의미가 없.. 장영란은 서하준의 입학 여부를 위해 그의 프로필을 소개했다..

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사진 채널a `요즘 남자 라이프신랑수업 제공 photo@newsis. 저는 현재 강남에서 퍼스널 트레이너를 하고있는 사람입니다. 18일 방송된 mbc every1 비디오스타에는 서하준이 게스트로 출연, 공백을 둘러싼 심경을 토로하며 시청자들의 시선을 모았다, 이에 브라이언은 격하게 공감하며 나도 프로필에는 176cm로 나오지만 실제로 172cm다라고. Com › board › view이번 사건의 전말 서하준 갤러리. 경기도 수원시와 화성시 양 지역에 걸쳐 위치한 대한민국 공군의 수도권 지역 전투비행단.

영화방송 56개의 글 목록열기 이 블로그 카테고리 글, △서하준 국내상품실장 상무제원 증대,슬롯 체험 추천최첨단 사양이 대거 적용돼 일부. 내달 1일 오후 9시20분 방송하는 채널a 예능 `요즘 남자 라이프신랑수업`에서는.

한남평균 풀발이 12라든데 쟤보니까 12는 되보이는데너내 얼마나 대왕꼬추를 만나고 다니는거임 아님 야동보고 하는소리.. 서하준, 프로필 키 182cm 아니다.. 1일 방송된 채널a 요즘 남자 라이프신랑수업 이하 신랑수업에서는 서 엑스포츠뉴스 20230201..

서준영다음이 서하준이크고 우상혁 의조는 애기같음, 서하준, 키 182cm 아닌 179cm 고백→뀨뀨꺄꺄 극강 애교까지준비된 신랑감 등극신랑수업 스포츠조선 조지영 기자 배우 서하준이 극강의 애교와 샤워신까지 모든 것을 보여주며, 준비된 신랑으로서의 매력을 어필한다. 저는 현재 강남에서 퍼스널 트레이너를 하고있는 사람입니다.

나는 개인적으로는 그 누드 스튜디오 촬영은 비난 안해, 그리고 지금 그 영상이 어떻게 찍게되고 유출된건지 이무도 모르는데 뭔 원나잇한거랑같고 ㄱㄹ 라고 욕하냐, 이미지 까피셜 봉사활동에 여캠번호딸려고오는 놈이있다 이미지 ㅅㅎㅈ 별거없는데.

Com › board › view서하준 ㅈㅈ 꽤 큰거같던데 그럼 몸캠 ㄱㅇㄷ 아니냐 200512202110 헬스, △서하준 국내상품실장 상무제원 증대,슬롯 체험 추천최첨단 사양이 대거 적용돼 일부. K132, 지역주민은 보통 수원 공군기지 또는 수원비행장으로 지칭, read more.

라이프익스텐션 투퍼데이 종비장점 성분 좋음, 알 크기 적당함, 가성비 지림, ㅋㅋ 굳이 설명하자면 양씨랑 비교해보면 그래. 서하준, 키 182cm 아닌 179cm 고백→뀨뀨꺄꺄 극강 애교까지준비된 신랑감 등극신랑수업 스포츠조선 조지영 기자 배우 서하준이 극강의 애교와 샤워신까지 모든 것을 보여주며, 준비된 신랑으로서의 매력을 어필한다. 배우 서하준은 과거 몸캠 논란에 대해 6년이 지난 후 솔직하게 털어놨다.

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각자의 운명을 헤쳐 나가고 있는 김연자, 서하준, 마르코, 김광민과 함께 하는 mbc에브리원 ‘비디오스타’는 오는 18일 저녁 8시 30분 방송된다, Com › view › 20230201n37497서하준, 프로필 키 182cm 아니다. 1일 방송된 채널a 요즘 남자 라이프신랑수업에는 서하준이 출연했다.

fc2 백화요란 캡컷으로 호빈이 목소리 옮기는 방법도 포함되어 있습니다. 엑스포츠뉴스 장예솔 인턴기자 신랑수업 배우 서하준이 신입생으로 등장했다. Com › board › view서하준고추크기 부럽다 시발 201506201701 국내야구 갤러리. 크기가 커지고 다양한 사양이 추가돼 가격 상승이 예상된다. 서하준 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. fc2ppv4001401

fc2 t.me X하준이 자지도 작던데 자살 예약이라고 볼수밖에 없다. 서하준 유출 영상을본 한국여성들의 반응. 장영란은 서하준의 입학 여부를 위해 그의 프로필을 소개했다. 캡컷으로 호빈이 목소리 옮기는 방법도 포함되어 있습니다. 배우 서하준은 과거 몸캠 논란에 대해 6년이 지난 후 솔직하게 털어놨다. fc2 최우수

fc2-ppv-4768304 활동 1998년, 고등학교 2학년 때 ebs 중학기술산업의 진행자로 데뷔하였다. 남자들은 여자 가슴이 보이는데 여자들은 남자 ㅈㅈ가 안보이자너 근데 서하준은 이미 큰걸 아니까 보장자산인거임 ㄹㅇ 여배우들이 겁나 들이댈듯. Com › view서하준, 실제 키 고백182cm 아닌 179cm 뉴시스. Com › articles › 81044449서하준, 프로필 키 182cm 아니다. 서하준 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. fc2 site

fc2 백인 연예 카테고리로 분류된 서하준 갤러리입니다. 경기도 수원시와 화성시 양 지역에 걸쳐 위치한 대한민국 공군의 수도권 지역 전투비행단. 굳이 설명하자면 양씨랑 비교해보면 그래. 이에 브라이언은 격하게 공감하며 나도 프로필에는 176cm로 나오지만 실제로 172cm다라고. 1일 방송된 채널a 요즘 남자 라이프신랑수업 이하 신랑수업에서는 서 엑스포츠뉴스 20230201.

fan kuzu Com › board › view이번 사건의 전말 서하준 갤러리. 서하준 유출 영상을본 한국여성들의 반응. 지들끼리 돌려보고있었네 밑에 글에도 니가 오발탄 날린거 지적해줬는데. 서하준, 프로필 키 182cm 아니다. 01 2140 장예솔 기자 엑스포츠뉴스 장예솔 인턴기자 신랑수업 배우 서하준이 신입생으로 등장했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.