Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › entags빨간딱지 최신주소. Com › entags빨간딱지 최신주소. 제목이 빨간마후라인 이유는 비디오 속의 여자애가 목에 빨간 마후라를 걸치고 있었어. 그러나 이해찬의 행적은 언론의 추적보도가 없다.

마키마 ㅎㅌㅁ

이 비디오가 유통되고 언론에서는 난리가 났다.. 개요 1997년, 미성년자들이 촬영했다는 이유로 나라를 떠들썩하게 했던 청소년 집단 성관계물 등장인.. 중고등학생들이 직접 제작한 음란비디오물인 이른바 빨간 마후라 사건이 우리들에게 커다른 충격을 준지가 얼마 안됩니다마는 요즘 서울 세운상가 등지에서는 이 빨간 마후라 속편을 사칭한 음란비디오가 매우 비싼 가격에 유통되고 있다고 해서 취재를.. 다양한 추측들오고 갔는데, 해당 비디오가 어른들에 의해서 만들어졌고 팔렸다는 것이였지..

마키마 아줌마

Kbs 단막극 백희가 돌아왔다 의 모티브가 된 사건이다, 먼저 있었던 1전투비행단이 《공군 최초의 비행단》《전투조종사의 요람》, 10전투비행단이 《빨간 마후라 의 고향》이면 11전투비행단은 《전투기의 요람》 위상을 가졌다. 빨간마후라때부터 야동 본 사람으로써 이시우 영상 퍼진다에 1표 던진다 15125. 다양한 추측들오고 갔는데, 해당 비디오가 어른들에 의해서 만들어졌고 팔렸다는 것이였지.

10대로 추정되는 여학생들이 또 다른 여학생들에게 알몸인 상태로 서로 폭행하게 하는 동영상이 유포돼 논란이 일고 있다, ‘불법 촬영물’을 ‘음란물’이라고 표현했으며 피해자를 ‘포르노의 주인공’으로 일컬었다. 동영상을 찍은 학생이 과거를 숨기고 잘 나가는 교수가 되었다고 가정했지만, 현실은 시궁창 이라 실제 학생의 인생은 그렇게 잘 풀리지 않았다, 여선생들이 애들 귀싸대기 때리고 발로 성기차고 했던건 굳이 다시 꺼내서 얘기하기 싫지, 이해찬은 왜 나라가 공산화로 달려가는 지금 베트남엘 갔을가.

망가 사이츠

Com › entags빨간딱지 최신주소.. 대한민국에서 불법 혹은 합법의 경계선상에서 있었던 10대들이 찍은 영상 때문에 한국사회가 시끌시끌했다.. 〈빨간 마후라〉 1964 위 영화의 주제가.. 제목이 빨간마후라인 이유는 비디오 속의 여자애가 목에 빨간 마후라를 걸치고 있었어..

그러나 이해찬의 행적은 언론의 추적보도가 없다, 프로그램 전체 영상목록 연속재생 전체영상 이전다음 n번방 사건으로 가는 첫 계단, 빨간 마후라 사건 재생횟수2,4212020. 전 빨간마후라 빨간마후라 하길래 뭔가 했었는데. 여선생들이 애들 귀싸대기 때리고 발로 성기차고 했던건 굳이 다시 꺼내서 얘기하기 싫지. 불편한 진실엔 눈감고 이익되는 사실에만 집중하는 쓰레기들.

Com › entags빨간딱지 최신주소. 공산국가 베트남은 중국을 비롯한 북한공작원들의 앞마당 아닌가, 그러나 이해찬의 행적은 언론의 추적보도가 없다, 중고등학생들이 직접 제작한 음란비디오물인 이른바 빨간 마후라 사건이 우리들에게 커다른 충격을 준지가 얼마 안됩니다마는 요즘 서울 세운상가 등지에서는 이 빨간 마후라 속편을 사칭한 음란비디오가 매우 비싼 가격에 유통되고 있다고 해서 취재를. 제목이 빨간마후라인 이유는 비디오 속의 여자애가 목에 빨간 마후라를 걸치고 있었어. 1997년 ‘빨간 마후라’ 사건을 보도한 언론의 헤드라인.

08 015502 조회 29382 추천 277 댓글 175 1 이미지 순서 on. ‘불법 촬영물’을 ‘음란물’이라고 표현했으며 피해자를 ‘포르노의 주인공’으로 일컬었다, 먼저 있었던 1전투비행단이 《공군 최초의 비행단》《전투조종사의 요람》, 10전투비행단이 《빨간 마후라 의 고향》이면 11전투비행단은 《전투기의 요람》 위상을 가졌다. 1997년 ‘빨간 마후라’ 사건을 보도한 언론의 헤드라인, 10일 온라인 커뮤니티 디시인사이드 등에.

〈빨간 마후라〉 1964 위 영화의 주제가, 대한민국에서 불법 혹은 합법의 경계선상에서 있었던 10대들이 찍은 영상 때문에 한국사회가 시끌시끌했다. 실시간 베스트 갤러리 설정 연관 갤러리 038 갤주소 복사 이용안내 한국 최초 공중전 영화 레전드 사건 빨간마후라 ㅇㅇ 2025. 이해찬은 왜 나라가 공산화로 달려가는 지금 베트남엘 갔을가.

마운자러갤 Com › entags빨간딱지 최신주소. 빨간마후라때부터 야동 본 사람으로써 이시우 영상 퍼진다에 1표 던진다 15125. 프로그램 전체 영상목록 연속재생 전체영상 이전다음 n번방 사건으로 가는 첫 계단, 빨간 마후라 사건 재생횟수2,4212020. 11전투비행단은 2010년대까지 대한민국에서 f4 시리즈부터 5세대 이전까지의 최신 전투. 일반 한국 최초 공중전 영화 레전드 사건 빨간마후라 ㅇㅇ 2025. 마우 낭 겨땀

마운자로 보관 디시 1997년 ‘빨간 마후라’ 사건을 보도한 언론의 헤드라인. 그러나 이해찬의 행적은 언론의 추적보도가 없다. 08 015502 조회 29382 추천 277 댓글 175 1 이미지 순서 on. 여선생들이 애들 귀싸대기 때리고 발로 성기차고 했던건 굳이 다시 꺼내서 얘기하기 싫지. 제목이 빨간마후라인 이유는 비디오 속의 여자애가 목에 빨간 마후라를 걸치고 있었어. 말왕 무제 디시

마노사바 한글패치 불편한 진실엔 눈감고 이익되는 사실에만 집중하는 쓰레기들. 전 빨간마후라 빨간마후라 하길래 뭔가 했었는데. 동영상을 찍은 학생이 과거를 숨기고 잘 나가는 교수가 되었다고 가정했지만, 현실은 시궁창 이라 실제 학생의 인생은 그렇게 잘 풀리지 않았다. 전 빨간마후라 빨간마후라 하길래 뭔가 했었는데. 개요 1997년, 미성년자들이 촬영했다는 이유로 나라를 떠들썩하게 했던 청소년 집단 성관계물 등장인. 마법소녀를 동경해서 1화

마운자로 마이너 갤러리 Com › groups › 670032563931031빨간마후라 대선 응원단 이해찬은 왜 나라가 공산화로 달려가는 지. ‘불법 촬영물’을 ‘음란물’이라고 표현했으며 피해자를 ‘포르노의 주인공’으로 일컬었다. 실시간 베스트 갤러리 설정 연관 갤러리 038 갤주소 복사 이용안내 한국 최초 공중전 영화 레전드 사건 빨간마후라 ㅇㅇ 2025. 대한민국에서 불법 혹은 합법의 경계선상에서 있었던 10대들이 찍은 영상 때문에 한국사회가 시끌시끌했다. 이 비디오가 유통되고 언론에서는 난리가 났다.

마틸다 파리아 불편한 진실엔 눈감고 이익되는 사실에만 집중하는 쓰레기들. 빨간마후라때부터 야동 본 사람으로써 이시우 영상 퍼진다에 1표 던진다 15125. Com › entags빨간딱지 최신주소. Kbs 단막극 백희가 돌아왔다 의 모티브가 된 사건이다. 공산국가 베트남은 중국을 비롯한 북한공작원들의 앞마당 아닌가.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.