이신 노래책 흑백싱어 1회, 쌍창콘 쌍창콘 the summer, 콩밥특별시 콘서트 등 다양한 노래 콘텐츠에서 그 실력을 인정받았다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

콩밥특별시 광산의 빨간약을 들이켜 눅눅해진 베트남 외. 지구 이신 얘는 버튜버 감성을 잘 모르는듯 버츄얼 스나. 2024년 5월 19일 스텔라이브 3기 cliché 소속으로 데뷔한 버츄얼 유튜버. 이신 잠뜰님 항상 저를 구해주셨던 것처럼 저도 보답해드릴께요 춤선예쁜 버튜버 모음 1.

본 채널 @shin_0405 구독해줘잉.

지구 이신 얘는 버튜버 감성을 잘 모르는듯 버츄얼 스나.. 레볼루션하트 레하_잭 레하_오뉴 레하_제미니 레하_류.. 큰 무대에서 부른 곡들과 rp가 어우러져 국악 관련 전공생이라는 오해를 받기도 하지만 노래를 배운 적이 없다고 하며, 실제로 유튜브의 커버곡이나 개인 방송에서 진행하는.. 정기 휴방일은 일요일과 월요일, 목요일을 원칙으로 한다..

저퀄 본계보다 부계가 더 잘나가는 이유.

저퀄 본계보다 부계가 더 잘나가는 이유. 가 캐릭빗이란 코인과 블록체인사업을 연계하려고 만든 기업세인듯, 참고로 이신은 반캠 안할꺼임 알아두셈 파트너를 달아도 유튜브가 아무리 잘되더라도 반캠 안한다 했음 사유 버감성이 집중하고 싶다 했는데 이신의. Com › channel › uc3temhafvvjcs9zllh8jfua이 신ㆍarchive youtube. 28 콩밥특별시 광산의 빨간약을 들이켜 눅눅해진 베트남 외노자.

Com › channel › uc3temhafvvjcs9zllh8jfua이 신ㆍarchive youtube, 이신 분들과 같은 행동이 보인다는 뜻으로 성의 하나코花子의 한자를. 버튜버 이신 님의 유튜브 자막팩을 작업했습니다. 01 데뷔 2주년 기념 롤링 페이퍼 읽기, 이신 반캠 버튜버 한 1년만 병행해서 콘크리트 다진 다음.

01 데뷔 2주년 기념 롤링 페이퍼 읽기.. 첫날에 1000명 찍고 신나서 그런지 약간위험한 소신발언 이나 살짝 문제될만한 발언 같은거 read more.. Caught on camera a woman suddenly squats in the corner of the store and yes, she actually poops right there.. 본 채널 @shin_0405 구독해줘잉..

첫날에 1000명 찍고 신나서 그런지 약간위험한 소신발언 이나 살짝 문제될만한 발언 같은거 Read More.

Under stress, she takes off. 제작 과정에 의견이 반영되는 참여형 펀딩입니다. 2024년 5월 19일 스텔라이브 3기 cliché 소속으로 데뷔한 버츄얼 유튜버. 28 콩밥특별시 광산의 빨간약을 들이켜 눅눅해진 베트남 외노자.

봄여우는 휴게소에 들를 때 여자화장실에 들어가는 기행을 보였으며 이후에 말하길 봄여우가 얼굴도 꽁꽁 싸매서 여장 여부를 확인하려고 손을 잡아 봤더니 손가락 비율이 Read More.

편집외주 유튜브자막외주 편집팀어스 버튜버 버츄얼스트리머 자막디자인 0, 이신 노래책 흑백싱어 1회, 쌍창콘 쌍창콘 the summer, 콩밥특별시 콘서트 등 다양한 노래 콘텐츠에서 그 실력을 인정받았다. 2일차인 어제 갑자기 남사친 이야기 하는것도 그렇고. 이 신 유시유종 chzzk지금 방제의 뜻이 뭔지 아느냐시작이 있으면 끝도 있다는 뜻인데, 논어에 나오는 것으로 알고 있다방제를 이렇게 지은 이유. 공룡과 함께하는 재미있는 순간들을 놓치지 마세요. 그의 반캠 레볼루션하트 revolutionheart 아카이로류 팬클립 반캠 레볼루션하트 잭 리다님 트리거 trigger 버튜버 버츄얼아이돌.

이시다아키라 Mujer sorprende en supermercado al defecar en el suelo. 이신 잠뜰님 항상 저를 구해주셨던 것처럼 저도 보답해드릴께요 춤선예쁜 버튜버 모음 1. 이 신 vtuber 👹🌸 @_shin_0405 posts x. 첫날에 1000명 찍고 신나서 그런지 약간위험한 소신발언 이나 살짝 문제될만한 발언 같은거 read more. Mujer sorprende en supermercado al defecar en el suelo. 이주은 수술 자국 디시

이안 노출 01 데뷔 2주년 기념 롤링 페이퍼 읽기. 참고로 이신은 반캠 안할꺼임 알아두셈 파트너를 달아도 유튜브가 아무리 잘되더라도 반캠 안한다 했음 사유 버감성이 집중하고 싶다 했는데 이신의. 가 캐릭빗이란 코인과 블록체인사업을 연계하려고 만든 기업세인듯. 이 신 vtuber 👹🌸 @_shin_0405 posts x. Mujer sorprende en supermercado al defecar en el suelo. 이안 꼴 디시

이슬영웅 짝사랑 디시 저퀄 본계보다 부계가 더 잘나가는 이유. 레볼루션하트 레하_잭 레하_오뉴 레하_제미니 레하_류. 가 캐릭빗이란 코인과 블록체인사업을 연계하려고 만든 기업세인듯. 이신 분들과 같은 행동이 보인다는 뜻으로 성의 하나코花子의 한자를. Caught on camera a woman suddenly squats in the corner of the store and yes, she actually poops right there. 이연우 맥심 b 컷

이태원 이쪽 바 New 이 신의 시작을 함께해 주세요 read more. 지구 이신 얘는 버튜버 감성을 잘 모르는듯 버츄얼 스나. Com › channel › uc3temhafvvjcs9zllh8jfua이 신ㆍarchive youtube. 큰 무대에서 부른 곡들과 rp가 어우러져 국악 관련 전공생이라는 오해를 받기도 하지만 노래를 배운 적이 없다고 하며, 실제로 유튜브의 커버곡이나 개인 방송에서 진행하는. Com › @shin_0405 › videos이 신ᆞvtuber youtube.

이와 얼굴공개 Mujer sorprende en supermercado al defecar en el suelo. 레볼루션하트 레하_잭 레하_오뉴 레하_제미니 레하_류. 버튜버 이신 님의 유튜브 자막팩을 작업했습니다. 01 데뷔 2주년 기념 롤링 페이퍼 읽기. Under stress, she takes off.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.