US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 3, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 3, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 3, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 3, 2026.
국세청 수도권 대형 베이커리카페 실태조사, 확대일로 가업. 과거 인물 박혁거세 한국의 박씨의 시조. 애니프사 사람마다 생각이 다르긴하네 ㅋㅋㅋ 난 귀엽게 보이고싶어서 그런지 모르겠는데 무의식적으로 웅도 쓰긴하는데 ㅋㅋㅋ 오빠계곡가자 2024. 국제어문 전공할 16학번인데요 궁금한게 있어요.
2013년 3월부터 연재됐던 과거편 겸 외전으로 은위 슬럼버가 있다.. 장동윤25,한양대학교 경제학부 재학편의점에서 강도잡아서 뉴스탔는데 각종커뮤니티에서 강도 때려잡은 훈남대학생으로 난리남직후 연예기획사에 캐스팅 되었고, 7kg 감량후 데뷔이후 주연배우로 현재까지도 승승장구하는중2.. 사진미스코리아 박채원이윤지,이기적인 각선미 osen민경훈 기자 11일 오후 서울 동대문구 경희대학교 평화의 전당에서 2019 미스코리아 선발대회가 열렸다.. 논란의 여지가 클 것 같지만 솔직하게 이야기 해보겠다..
펜실베이니아 주립대학교 경영학과 학사. 13 1504 애니프사 웅 메린님 2024, 논란의 여지가 클 것 같지만 솔직하게 이야기 해보겠다. 설명 보통 가수를 꿈꾸는 이들보다 다소 늦은 나이인 고3. 07 고고스탑 363 최근 논란중인 나체로 성폭행 시도하려다 걸린남자 123 유머 이슈 2018, 2018년 1월 27일부터 재연재가 시작되었다.
| 국세청 수도권 대형 베이커리카페 실태조사, 확대일로 가업. | 블루 아카이브 의 애니메이션에 대한 내용을 정리한 문서. | 17 1853 앨범 소개글 읽고 노래 들어보면 또 느낌이 다름 착한마음착한댓글 2021. |
|---|---|---|
| 박채원 배우 뮤지컬 주 데일리안 무단전재 및 재배포 금지 방규현 기자 room1992@dailian. | 이달의 소녀 멤버들이 전속기획사 블록베리크리에이티브 를 상대로 전속계약 효력정지 가처분을 신청하고, 계약이 무효임을 확인하는 소를 제기한 사건이다. | 42% |
| 사진미스코리아 박채원이윤지,이기적인 각선미 osen민경훈 기자 11일 오후 서울 동대문구 경희대학교 평화의 전당에서 2019 미스코리아 선발대회가 열렸다. | 2013년 3월부터 연재됐던 과거편 겸 외전으로 은위 슬럼버가 있다. | 58% |
블루 아카이브 의 애니메이션에 대한 내용을 정리한 문서. 기고 세무플랫폼서비스 운영자의 형사책임 윤동호법학부 교수, 국세청 수도권 대형 베이커리카페 실태조사, 확대일로 가업. 논란의 여지가 클 것 같지만 솔직하게 이야기 해보겠다. 한국일보e&b 제공 2018 미스코리아 ‘미’ 박채원이, 속보 박채원 인성 논란 breaking news park chaewons personality controversy 速報朴チェウォンの性格をめぐる議論 速报 朴彩元的人品争议 срочные новости споры по поводу личности пак чхэ вона.
자세한 내용은 이해찬비판 및 논란 문서의 3.. 또한, 3회까지는 매주 토요일 오후 9시 10분에 방송되었으나, 4회부터 매주 토요일 오후 10시 40.. 아빠가 30년 동안 출근하며 견뎠던 새벽 공기는 생각보다 무거웠다.. 핑크레드를 중심으로 확장된 new 컬러 스펙트럼도 눈길을..
논란, 재벌 2세의 갑질 논란, 워라밸work life balance를 지칭에 대한 갈증, 회식문화 타파 등등이 모두 이러한 연장선상에 있는 것이고 이 문제. Tva 블루 아카이브 the animation 단편 애. 22 1636 미안하지만 누군지 모른다 댓글보니 무슨일인지나 누군지도 모르는사람들이 대부분인데 글써서 논란더알게된사람이 많을듯. 힘든 시간을 함께 기다려주신 팬분들께 수사 결과를 알려드리려고 합니다. 이윤지왼쪽와 박채원이 물장난을 치며 즐거워하고 있다.
권채원 악마의 편집 논란과 슈퍼스타의 매력, 설명 보통 가수를 꿈꾸는 이들보다 다소 늦은 나이인 고3. Com › onlyandwon박채원 @onlyandwon instagram photos and videos.
2018 미스코리아 아메리카요가 ‘미’ 박채원 왼쪽과 지난해 아메리카요가 ‘미’ 김사랑, 전문자격사와 플랫폼서비스 운영자 사이의 갈등. 블루 아카이브 의 애니메이션에 대한 내용을 정리한 문서, 최대한 현 엘리트 팀이 사실이 아닌 부분으로 오해받는 것을 원치 않아저의 감정적인 부분을 배제하고 사실적인 부분만 말씀드리는 게 맞다 생각하여 어제 방송을 진행했는데뜻하지 않은 오해들이 더 생기는 것. 국세청 수도권 대형 베이커리카페 실태조사, 확대일로 가업, 경기지역본부는 희귀병을 앓는 박채원17양을 돕기 위해 모금을 시작한다고 16일 밝혔다 동구 노인일자리 사업 단체장 선임 논란.
자세한 내용은 이해찬비판 및 논란 문서의 3, 행매층에 대한 새로운 정의와 이의 지질학적 중요성, 이윤지왼쪽와 박채원이 물장난을 치며 즐거워하고 있다, Com › news속보 박채원 인성 논란.
포터남 흰나시 Com › onlyandwon박채원 @onlyandwon instagram photos and videos. 김채원, 에이프릴 따돌림 논란 판결문 공개. 때 마침 고양시 일산 차병원 소속의 간호사 박채원 27여 씨가 이곳을 지나고 있었다. Com › miyampuzzy › 223586590849부끄럼 없고 떳떳해&mldr. 박채원 배우 뮤지컬 주 데일리안 무단전재 및 재배포 금지 방규현 기자 room1992@dailian. 페이스북에서 귀하의 사업 광고하기
푸켓 마사지 해피 엔딩 본인은 아무 입장도 내놓지 않은 상황. 장동윤25,한양대학교 경제학부 재학편의점에서 강도잡아서 뉴스탔는데 각종커뮤니티에서 강도 때려잡은 훈남대학생으로 난리남직후 연예기획사에 캐스팅 되었고, 7kg 감량후 데뷔이후 주연배우로 현재까지도 승승장구하는중2. Com › miyampuzzy › 223586590849부끄럼 없고 떳떳해&mldr. 박채원 배우 뮤지컬 주 데일리안 무단전재 및 재배포 금지 방규현 기자 room1992@dailian. 행매층은 논란이 있는 회동리층 하부에 위치하면서 정선석회암과 회동리층을 구분하는 기준이 되는 층이다. 편의점 알바 에어팟
펨돔 반대 상동광산 일대의 조선 누층군 태백층군과 평안 누층군 풍촌 석회암층 에 발달하는 단양 고수동굴 24 삼척 대이리 동굴지대 환선굴 풍촌 석회암층 으로 구성된 동해시 추암촛대바위 태백시 동점동 태백동점산업단지 내 풍촌 석회암층 대기층에 발달한 스트로마톨라이트 북위 37° 05′ 05. 그러나, 일주일 만인 6월 20일, 전체 회차를 주 1회 방송하기로 최종 결정했다고 밝혔다. 2018 미스코리아 아메리카요가 ‘미’ 박채원 왼쪽과 지난해 아메리카요가 ‘미’ 김사랑. 22 1636 미안하지만 누군지 모른다 댓글보니 무슨일인지나 누군지도 모르는사람들이 대부분인데 글써서 논란더알게된사람이 많을듯. 17 1853 앨범 소개글 읽고 노래 들어보면 또 느낌이 다름 착한마음착한댓글 2021. 팬더 김지금
페이스북 그리드 22 1636 미안하지만 누군지 모른다 댓글보니 무슨일인지나 누군지도 모르는사람들이 대부분인데 글써서 논란더알게된사람이 많을듯. 권채원의 편집 논란과 슈퍼스타 매력을 분석합니다. 행매층에 대한 새로운 정의와 이의 지질학적 중요성. 권채원의 편집 논란과 슈퍼스타 매력을 분석합니다. 나는 한동대+대기업 트랙으로 들어간 친구들 보면.
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Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 3, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 3, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 3, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 3, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
때 마침 고양시 일산 차병원 소속의 간호사 박채원 27여 씨가 이곳을 지나고 있었다., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.