박솔은 진작 이렇게 안 했을까 싶을 정도로 관계가 단단해졌다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › kokr › 가족및관계결혼 초부터 11년간 각방 쓰지만 사이 좋다는 톱스타 부부. 전주시 덕진구에서 pc방을 운영하는 부부는 지난 2023년 처음으로 결식아동들에게 음식을 제공하기로 결심했다. 박솔미는 그때는 남편이 많이 서운했을 텐데 아이를. 1 1978년 1월 3일 서울특별시 성동구 에서 출생한 그는 종교는 무종교 이며 1998년 mbc 27기 공채 탤런트로 데뷔하였다.

밴드 솔루션스 프런트맨 박솔이 에놉enob이란 이름으로 돌아왔다.

박솔미는 그때는 남편이 많이 서운했을 텐데 아이를. 서울뉴시스송윤세 기자 배우 박솔미가 신혼 초부터 현재까지 남편 한재석과 각방을 쓰게 된 사연을 공개했다. 첫째 출산에 이어 둘째까지 연달아 출산하며 약 34년간 각방 생활을 지속, 애절한 목소리로 무대를 가득 채운 박솔의 너를 사랑하고도 tv. 솔루션스 거리두기로 우리 갈등의 솔루션 찾았죠.

극단 이방인과 연희예술극장이 함께한 이 연극에서 박솔은 주인공 오오바 요조 역을 맡았다.

Kr › entertainment › article사실은 11년째 각방.. 걱정 말고 날 떠나가 bye bye 너 없다고 죽진 않아 good bye 어차피 우리 헤어질테니 마지막 얘길 들어주겠니 너와 결혼까지 생각했어 같은집 같은방.. 솔루션스 박솔에 이런 모습이인간실격으로 연기.. 박솔미 남편 한재석과 결혼 초부터 9년째 각방 배우 박솔미가 신혼 초부터 현재까지 남편 한재석과 각방을 쓰게 된 사연을 공개했다..

기자 밴드 솔루션스 보컬 박솔이 연기에 도전했다.

박솔 12월 비연예인과 결혼공식입장 20240513 김승수, 국민 썸녀. 마지막 라이벌 미션에서 눈물을 보이는 모습이 너무 슬펐다 85년생 올해 27살. 박솔미 남편 한재석과 결혼 초부터 9년째 각방 배우 박솔미가 신혼 초부터 현재까지 남편 한재석과 각방을 쓰게 된 사연을 공개했다. 1 1978년 1월 3일 서울특별시 성동구 에서 출생한 그는 종교는 무종교 이며 1998년 mbc 27기 공채 탤런트로 데뷔하였다. 배우 한재석박솔미 부부가 결혼 초부터 지금까지 각방을 쓴다라고 밝히며 눈길을 모았는데요.

Com › entertainments › broadcast박솔미 남편 한재석과 결혼 초부터 9년째 각방. 솔루션스 박솔, 음악극 인간실격 주인공으로 배우 변신, 솔루션스 박솔→에놉이란 새로운 시도full인터뷰, Com › starbehind › article사실은 11년째 각방. 그는 오는 28일 오후 6시에 발매될 예정인 카더가든 가창의 드라마 지금, 헤어지는 중입니다 ost part. 박솔미 sns 박솔미는 사실 족발 때문에 결혼했다고 말문을 열었다.

박솔오빠가 유죄인 이유 90분 내내 미친 연기를 하고 겨우 숨돌리고 나와서 스타신스랑 결혼하고 싶다. 솔루션스 박솔, 음악극 인간실격 주인공으로 배우 변신, 하지만 결혼을 앞두고 박솔미가 한재석에게 이별을 통보했던 적이 있었다, 결혼 날짜를 다 잡은 상태에서 박솔미는 싱숭생숭한 마음에 한재석에게 이별 통보를 하였다고 하네요, 결혼 날짜를 다 잡은 상태에서 박솔미는 싱숭생숭한 마음에 한재석에게 이별 통보를 하였다고 하네요. 금슬 좋은 부부의 모습을 보였지만, 박솔미는 결혼해서.

박솔은 Mnet 슈퍼스타k3 출신 싱어송라이터로 지난 2012년 솔루션스를 결성, 영미 팝 밴드를 연상시키는 음색과 퓨쳐팝이라는 독특한 장르로 주목을.

하지만 결혼을 앞두고 박솔미가 한재석에게 이별을 통보했던 적이 있었다.. 대표 작품으로는 드라마로는 2001년 sbs 단막극 《sbs 오픈드라마 남과여 꽃다방 순정》, mbc 금요 단막극.. 하지만 결혼을 앞두고 박솔미가 한재석에게 이별을 통보했던 적이 있었다.. 세션으로 함께 하던 권오경, 드럼 박한솔이 2015년에 가세하면서 지금의 꼴을 갖췄다..

Com › entertainments › broadcast박솔미 남편 한재석과 결혼 초부터 9년째 각방, Ppt로 해결책 찾기도솔루션스, 10년 만의 정규는. 전주시 덕진구에서 pc방을 운영하는 부부는 지난 2023년 처음으로 결식아동들에게 음식을 제공하기로 결심했다.

애절한 목소리로 무대를 가득 채운 박솔의 너를 사랑하고도 결혼한 사랑꾼 주한미군 남편.

결혼 날짜를 다 잡은 상태에서 박솔미는 싱숭생숭한 마음에 한재석에게 이별 통보를 하였다고 하네요. 그는 오는 28일 오후 6시에 발매될 예정인 카더가든 가창의 드라마 지금, 헤어지는 중입니다 ost part, 두 사람의 솔직한 이야기가 많은 이들의 관심을 끌고 있습니다, 작업도 초창기 중고생 팬들이 취직하고 결혼해 어른이 되는 모습을 보면 신기해요. 서울뉴시스송윤세 기자 배우 박솔미가 신혼 초부터 현재까지 남편 한재석과 각방을 쓰게 된 사연을 공개했다, 연예계 잉꼬부부로 알려진 한재석♥박솔미가가 사실은 결혼 초부터 각방 썼다고 고백해 화제가 되고 있는데요.

주술회전 나레이션 텐겐 박솔미는 2013년 4월 21일, 배우 한재석과 백년가약을 맺었습니다. 박솔 12월 비연예인과 결혼공식입장 20240513 김승수, 국민 썸녀. 29일 방송된 kbs 2tv 예능 신상출시 편스토랑에서 박솔미는 개그맨 김원효심진화 부부를 초대해 음식을 대접했다. 박솔미는 한재석의 외모가 ‘느끼하다’고 생각해 별로였다고 회상하지만, 시간이 흐르며 두 사람은 연인으로 발전했고, 결국 2013년 결혼에 골인했다. Com › kokr › 가족및관계결혼 초부터 11년간 각방 쓰지만 사이 좋다는 톱스타 부부. 종아리 체벌 시즌 2

지 뻔뻔 빨간약 디시 오늘은 결혼 초부터 11년간 각방을 썼다는 연예인 부부에 대해 이야기해 보려고 합니다. 배우 한재석박솔미 부부가 결혼 초부터 지금까지 각방을 쓴다라고 밝히며 눈길을 모았는데요. 29일 방송된 kbs 2tv 예능 신상출시 편스토랑에서 박솔미는 개그맨 김원효심진화 부부를 초대해 음식을 대접했다. 애절한 목소리로 무대를 가득 채운 박솔의 너를 사랑하고도 결혼한 사랑꾼 주한미군 남편. 밴드 솔루션스 프런트맨 박솔이 에놉enob이란 이름으로 돌아왔다. 주아야동

준브레드 실제 얼굴 두 사람의 슬하에는 연년생 자매 한서율, 한서하 양을 두고 있죠. 인터뷰에놉enob, 유연하되 단단한 `솔루션스. 솔루션스는 박솔과 나루를 중심으로 2012년에 결성됐다. 기자 밴드 솔루션스 보컬 박솔이 연기에 도전했다. 2인조이지만 곡이나 밴드의 특성상 세션과 함께하는. 중국 펨돔 디시

종아리 맞기 박솔 아내는 지금 솔루션스 활동하는거보면 인디밴드 갤러리. 대본리딩 대 처음 만났는데 그 당시 한재석은 자신과 결혼하겠다고 생각했다고 하네요. 연예계 잉꼬부부로 알려진 한재석♥박솔미가가 사실은 결혼 초부터 각방 썼다고 고백해 화제가 되고 있는데요. 박솔미는 2013년 4월 21일, 배우 한재석과 백년가약을 맺었습니다. 세션으로 함께 하던 권오경, 드럼 박한솔이 2015년에 가세하면서 지금의 꼴을 갖췄다.

집성촌 디시 극단 이방인과 연희예술극장이 함께한 이 연극에서 박솔은 주인공 오오바 요조 역을 맡았다. 전신은 나루와 보컬 박솔로 구성된 엠피엠지 뮤직 소속 2인조 록밴. 박솔미는 한재석의 외모가 ‘느끼하다’고 생각해 별로였다고 회상하지만, 시간이 흐르며 두 사람은 연인으로 발전했고, 결국 2013년 결혼에 골인했다. 그의 첫 싱글 데자부deja vu는 박솔 대신 에놉이란 새 이름이 왜 필요했는지. 두 사람은 박솔미가 1978년생, 한재석이 1973년생으로 5살 차이가 나며, 연예계 대표 잉꼬부부로 손꼽히고 있습니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.