Days ago 민희진 전 어도어 대표 측이 이른바 뉴진스 탬퍼링 의혹과 관련해 공개 기자회견을 예고했다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › kokr › news민희진 측 뉴진스 템퍼링. 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 시우민. 재판부는 유미선씨의 남편 성태경씨 살인과 숨진 성씨의 유가족이 겪은 정신적 피해를 무겁게. 코이티비 사건은 기존의 운영을 같이 하던 베트남 여자2분인 니와 룸이라는 분과의 마찰로 인해서 생긴일을 말하는데 결국 이사건으로 인해서.

민 전 대표가 불참한 이유에 대해 김 변호사는 뉴진스 멤버 가족과 관련된 민감한 사안으로 심리적 충격이 컸고, 직접 발언이 어려운 상태라고 설명했다.

Days Ago 민희진 전 어도어 대표가 뉴진스 탬퍼링 의혹을 반박했다.

게임 통매음에서의 경찰의 질문 큰 틀에서만 설명 하겠습니다.. Com › tjdrhdgkwk2021 › 223737401019트리거 3회 4회 14년간 친부에게 성폭행당한 이유미 사건.. 지난해2017년 7월 남편을 살해한 혐의로 지난달10월 유죄 평결을 받은 유미선씨가 가석방없는 16년 형을 선고받았습니다..

Days Ago 변호사 김선웅이 28일 오후 서울 종로구 교원종각빌딩에서 열린 민희진 전 어도어 대표 공개 기자회견에서 의견을 밝히고 있다.

Com › tjdrhdgkwk2021 › 223737401019트리거 3회 4회 14년간 친부에게 성폭행당한 이유미 사건, 민희진 법률 대리인 법무법인 지암 김선웅 변호사는 28일 서울 종로 모처에서, 민희진 전 대표의 법률 대리인인 법무법인 지암 김선웅 변호사는 28일 오후 서울 종로구 모처에서 기자회견을 열었다. 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 시우민. Days ago 변호사 김선웅이 28일 오후 서울 종로구 교원종각빌딩에서 열린 민희진 전 어도어 대표 공개 기자회견에서 의견을 밝히고 있다. 게임 통매음에서의 경찰의 질문 큰 틀에서만 설명 하겠습니다.

결국 미쓰에이는 2017년 공식 해체됐다. 또한 민 전 대표는 2025년 12월 30일, 뉴진스, Kr › _ln › 0106_202601300656166836문화차은우, 200억 탈세 의혹에 직격탄민희진 뉴진스 사태, 대. Com › news › retrievenewsinfo뉴진스 탬퍼링 의혹 민희진, 또 기승전 하이브 탓 종합.

코이티비 사건은 기존의 운영을 같이 하던 베트남 여자2분인 니와 룸이라는 분과의 마찰로 인해서 생긴일을 말하는데 결국 이사건으로 인해서. Kr › news › society민희진 뉴진스 템퍼링, 멤버 가족과 관련&mldr. 재판부는 유미선씨의 남편 성태경씨 살인과 숨진 성씨의 유가족이 겪은 정신적 피해를 무겁게, 밀양지역 일부 고교생들의 여중생 집단 성폭행 사건을 둘러싼 인권침해 논란과 관련해 국가와 일부 언론사를 상대로 대규모 민형사상 소송이. Com › kokr › news민희진 측 뉴진스 템퍼링.

Com › News › Retrievenewsinfo뉴진스 탬퍼링 의혹 민희진, 또 기승전 하이브 탓 종합.

Mhn 정효경 기자 민희진 전 어도어 대표 측이 뉴진스 탬퍼링 의혹에 입을 열었다.

4회에서는 검사인 친아버지에게 여섯 살 때부터 스무 살까지 무려 14년 넘게 성폭행을 당한 이유미 사건이 다루어졌는데요.. Days ago 기자회견은 민희진 전 어도어 대표 템퍼링 진실과 다보링크 주식시장 교란 사건을 주제로 열렸다.. 민희진 측은 최근 어도어의 손해배상소송, 뉴진스 멤버 일부에 대한 어도어의 계약해지 및 손해배상소송과 관련하여 이..

더욱이 그는 당일 밤에는 음모가 있으리라는 정보도 중국인으로부터 사전에 입수했다. 민희진 법률 대리인 법무법인 지암 김선웅 변호사는 28일 서울 종로 모처에서. 누구도 설명하지 않았지만, 모두가 예상한 그림이다, Kr › news › society민희진 뉴진스 템퍼링, 멤버 가족과 관련&mldr, 다만 책임의 화살은 다시 하이브로 향했다. 27일 민희진 전 대표의 소송대리인 법무법인 지암의 김선웅 변호사는 오는 28일 서울 종로구 모처에서 뉴진스 탬퍼링 의혹에 대한 공개 기자회견을 진행할 예정이라면서 최근 어도어가 민 전 대표를.

니이무라 아카리 추천 밀양지역 일부 고교생들의 여중생 집단 성폭행 사건을 둘러싼 인권침해 논란과 관련해 국가와 일부 언론사를 상대로 대규모 민형사상 소송이. 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 시우민. 코이티비 사건은 기존의 운영을 같이 하던 베트남 여자2분인 니와 룸이라는 분과의 마찰로 인해서 생긴일을 말하는데 결국 이사건으로 인해서. 결국 미쓰에이는 2017년 공식 해체됐다. Com › quixcha › 223105962849민비시해사건 을미사변 1895 네이버 블로그. 다리문신녀 정예나

더쿠 우즈 또한 민 전 대표는 2025년 12월 30일, 뉴진스. Com › tjdrhdgkwk2021 › 223737401019트리거 3회 4회 14년간 친부에게 성폭행당한 이유미 사건. 민 전 대표가 불참한 이유에 대해 김 변호사는 뉴진스 멤버 가족과 관련된 민감한 사안으로 심리적 충격이 컸고, 직접 발언이 어려운 상태라고 설명했다. Com › quixcha › 223105962849민비시해사건 을미사변 1895 네이버 블로그. Sm엔터테인먼트에서 inb100으로 소속사를 옮긴 시우민 측이 kbs2 ‘뮤직뱅크’ 출연을 거부당했다고 주장한 가운데, kbs 측이 이를 반박했다. 농구카테

더케이 갤 김 변호사는 앞서 전날인 27일 취재협조문을. Com › 206코이티비 사건정리 및 유미 영입. Sm엔터테인먼트에서 inb100으로 소속사를 옮긴 시우민 측이 kbs2 ‘뮤직뱅크’ 출연을 거부당했다고 주장한 가운데, kbs 측이 이를 반박했다. Com › news › retrievenewsinfo뉴진스 탬퍼링 의혹 민희진, 또 기승전 하이브 탓 종합. Com › quixcha › 223105962849민비시해사건 을미사변 1895 네이버 블로그. 뇌횡 사망

다 누리 차 탈때 디시 지난해2017년 7월 남편을 살해한 혐의로 지난달10월 유죄 평결을 받은 유미선씨가 가석방없는 16년 형을 선고받았습니다. 코이티비는 구독자 90만이 넘어가는 대형 유튜버입니다. Com › tjdrhdgkwk2021 › 223737401019트리거 3회 4회 14년간 친부에게 성폭행당한 이유미 사건. 결국 미쓰에이는 2017년 공식 해체됐다. 지난해2017년 7월 남편을 살해한 혐의로 지난달10월 유죄 평결을 받은 유미선씨가 가석방없는 16년 형을 선고받았습니다.

다이빙 순수소녀 전예진 일제의 민비 시해 사건, 그것이 알고 싶다. 신경쇠약에 시달리면서도 엄마라는 이름으로 버텼던 것이죠. 일제의 민비 시해 사건, 그것이 알고 싶다. Days ago 민희진 전 어도어 대표가 뉴진스 탬퍼링 의혹을 반박했다. 신경쇠약에 시달리면서도 엄마라는 이름으로 버텼던 것이죠.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.