러끼 캐릭터 일러스트, 애니메이션, 영화 포스터 등.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

성우 토크쇼 🎙️ 얀데레 클루카이편. 검은색 패션을 좋아하시는 러끼님 여동생 모찌님. 캐릭터의 분위기가 사진 경험 속에서도 자연스럽게 느껴질 수 있도록 프레임 구성. Net › artworks › 116070492러끼 캐릭터 시트지대로 따라그려본 러끼님.

いいね！ 캐릭터 시트지대로 따라그려본 러끼님.. 캐릭터의 키는 131cm이며 나이는 15살이고 몸무게는 38kg이다.. In life4cuts 🍀크리에이터 러끼의 새로운 프레임..

섹시한 목소리에 츤데레 포지션 그리고 하이텐션인 러끼와 다르게 로우텐션이다, 치명적인 입담과 섹시한 매력으로 트수들과 소통하는 라디오 방송과 다양한 장르의, 러끼 7ucky 트위치 스트리머 4 6 597 2024年2月14日 0850, 섹시한 목소리에 츤데레 포지션 그리고 하이텐션인 러끼와 다르게 로우텐션이다, 치명적인 입담과 섹시한 매력으로 트수들과 소통하는 라디오 방송과 다양한 장르의.

러끼에게 카드정지를 4번씩이나 먹인 게임이다. 생방송 시청자 투표와 섬네일러의 의견으로 검은색 초커, 오버핏 흰색 와이셔츠와 분홍색 포인트가 들어간 오버핏 조끼니트 그리고 니삭스를 착용한 캐릭터로 변경됐다, 이후 2021년 1월 25일 유튜브를 재가동하면서 캐릭터도 현재의 핑크머리 스타일의 캐릭터로 바뀌었다.

この作品 「캐릭터 시트지대로 따라그려본 러끼님. 러끼는 이오몽, 앙코, 랑이씌를 러끼를 사랑하는 여동생s라고 부르고 있으며 2023년 주루마블 온라인 합방을 이오몽, 앙코와 같이 진행하였다. 검은색 패션을 좋아하시는 러끼님 여동생 모찌님, いいね！ 캐릭터 시트지대로 따라그려본 러끼님. 그 마지막 사진은 네코미미 언러끼를 보고 싶지만 오피셜. 검은색 패션을 좋아하시는 러끼님 여동생 모찌님.

즐겁게 보셨다면 구독 & 좋아요♥ 러끼 생방송 Schzzk.

스트리머 러끼님 리버스캐릭터 언러끼에요, 」 は 「러끼」「7ucky」 等のタグがつけられた「이바노프란키」さんのイラストです。, Hecho con ️ en asunción, república del paraguay su zona horaria es impulsado por the seed engine, 저 역시 개인적으로 검은색 패션을 좋아하는지라 여러 디자인을. 살다살다 오프숄더까지 입어볼 줄은 몰랐는데.

연기는 목소리 기준, 랜도프 구 캐릭터, 라디유 메인, 시리유 낮은 목소리, 유미라, 라디안 ai, tts으로 구분한다.. 연기는 목소리 기준, 랜도프 구 캐릭터, 라디유 메인, 시리유 낮은 목소리, 유미라, 라디안 ai, tts으로 구분한다..

러끼 랑이씌가 상당히 좋아하는 스트리머이자 친한 언니이다.

최애캐는 호시노와 미카34를 포함한 분홍머리 캐릭터들과 미유이며 반대로 가장 꺼리는 캐릭터는 하나코와 카야. 15 그 외에도 많은 캐릭터 예컨대 동기 이새벽 성우가 맡은 고로를 열심히 뽑기하는 것으로 보인다, 유튜브 기준 2025년 9월 16일자 영상부터 얼굴 움직임이 좀 더 자연스러워졌다. 원신을 이용한 메인 컨텐츠로는 매 캐릭터 픽업 때마다 캐릭터 뽑기 및 시청자 대리가챠를 진행하며, 해당 문서 주변관계의 양아지 문단에 후술할 피규어 사건의 인연으로 김신우 성우와 함께 토크쇼를 진행한 적이 있다.

그 외 나나양, 러끼, 마뫄, 아음 13, 유우양 등의 팬아트도 자주 그렸었고 김달걀 의 뽀글머리 아줌마 집톡도 앙코가 팬심으로써 작업한 것 중 하나이다.

진짜 그냥 일상에서 볼 수있는 사물인데 특징을 딱 잡아서 캐릭터로 표현해네는 사람들 그냥 ㅈㄴ 대단함 1202 go to channel 러끼, Com2708947b66f527fd74e6b3d6bcc1349b 생방송에서 팔로우를 눌러주신 뒤에 알람설정을 꼭. 하지만 가끔 매운맛이 나오거나 성인용 멘트를 치기도 한다. 성우 토크쇼 🎙️ 츤데레 마키아토편. 그 외 나나양, 러끼, 마뫄, 아음 13, 유우양 등의 팬아트도 자주 그렸었고 김달걀 의 뽀글머리 아줌마 집톡도 앙코가 팬심으로써 작업한 것 중 하나이다.

sotwe vdsxx1 In life4cuts 🍀크리에이터 러끼의 새로운 프레임. 러끼가 트위치에서 사용하고 있는 프로필은 왕자 컨셉 캐릭터이다. 유튜버 이름 맞추기 이미지를 보고 유튜버의 이름을 맞추면 되는 심플한 게임 입니다. 위시즈 캐릭터를 하루필름 프레임 안에 담은 콜라보 콘텐츠입니다. 러끼는 이오몽, 앙코, 랑이씌를 러끼를 사랑하는 여동생s라고 부르고 있으며 2023년 주루마블 온라인 합방을 이오몽, 앙코와 같이 진행하였다. sotwe enkai

sotwe 입 위시즈 캐릭터를 하루필름 프레임 안에 담은 콜라보 콘텐츠입니다. 즐겁게 보셨다면 구독 & 좋아요♥ 러끼 생방송 schzzk. Hecho con ️ en asunción, república del paraguay su zona horaria es impulsado por the seed engine. 위시즈 캐릭터를 하루필름 프레임 안에 담은 콜라보 콘텐츠입니다. 저 역시 개인적으로 검은색 패션을 좋아하는지라 여러 디자인을. sophia 5566

sotwe 냠냠 캐릭터의 분위기가 사진 경험 속에서도 자연스럽게 느껴질 수 있도록 프레임 구성. 러끼 캐릭터 일러스트, 애니메이션, 영화 포스터 등. 뜻하지 않게 피규어 성우가 된 적이 있다. 연기는 목소리 기준, 랜도프 구 캐릭터, 라디유 메인, 시리유 낮은 목소리, 유미라, 라디안 ai, tts으로 구분한다. 그 외 나나양, 러끼, 마뫄, 아음 13, 유우양 등의 팬아트도 자주 그렸었고 김달걀 의 뽀글머리 아줌마 집톡도 앙코가 팬심으로써 작업한 것 중 하나이다. skycd995

sotwe 치마 역대급 능력자 출몰 시청자들이 물건을 사람으로 만들었다. 인스타 본명 김은주 출생 1995년 12월 30일 28세 대구광역시 국적 대한민국 신체 160cm ab형 mbti intp 직업 트위치 스트리머, 유튜버 종교 가톨릭 가족 부모, 여동생. 성우 토크쇼 🎙️ 얀데레 클루카이편. 캐릭터의 분위기가 사진 경험 속에서도 자연스럽게 느껴질 수 있도록 프레임 구성. 하지만 가끔 매운맛이 나오거나 성인용 멘트를 치기도 한다.

sotwe com 생방송 시청자 투표와 섬네일러의 의견으로 검은색 초커, 오버핏 흰색 와이셔츠와 분홍색 포인트가 들어간 오버핏 조끼니트 그리고 니삭스를 착용한 캐릭터로 변경됐다. 2019년 10월에 캐릭터 개편이 진행됐다. 2019년 10월에 캐릭터 개편이 진행됐다. 검은색 패션을 좋아하시는 러끼님 여동생 모찌님. 캐릭터의 분위기가 사진 경험 속에서도 자연스럽게 느껴질 수 있도록 프레임 구성.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.