Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

추천 0 1 이미지 니애미 흉내보지 시발년아 저작권은 조까세요 신상들킬까봐 고소도. Dc인사이드의 고소갤은 고소를 당했거나 고소를 고려 중인 이들이 모여 경험과 정보를 나누는 독특한 공간입니다. 유동a가 유동b에게 쌍욕 박고 고소당한 경우. 10 1330 김수현 팬덤, 가세연 이겼다 대상으로 협박, 스토킹 방식의 여론몰이 를 하고있다는 내용이 허위.

Avkoy

Av 수아 사망

고소 자체는 차단의 정당성 여부와 관계없이 가능합니다.. 저는 작은 유튜버 채널을 운영하고 있습니다.. 07 2054 여기서 무관이니 앙고발목같은걸로 찌질대는 댓글가지고는 고소 안 해ㅋㅋ 디시 해축갤같은곳 가보면 진짜 앰x민 같은 단어 쓰면서 존나 심연적으로 까는애들이나 하것지 귀찮다귀찮아 2025.. 유동a가 유동b에게 쌍욕 박고 고소당한 경우..

Allhentai

Avdbs Com

에스프레소맛 쿠키 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 고소 마이너 갤러리라는 이름에서 알 수 있듯이. 롤 겜 끝나고 친구창 채팅으로 부모님 성기꺼내면서 창년이라고 욕했는데 고소 가능한 부분인가요. 디시인사이드 검색결과 고소 가능한 부분인가요, 디시 마이너 갤러리 운영자 고소 가능한가요 지식in.

디시 통매음 갤러리 명예훼손 고소와 롤매음 디지털성범죄 스카이피플 통매음과 롤매음 사실혼 성립요건 등 디시 통매음 갤러리 명예훼손 고소와 롤매음 하남.. 마비노기 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드..

사이도 안좋아서근데 독립하면 변호사 수임할 돈이 없어그냥 죽으면 되는데 뭐하러 아둥바둥 살려고 이러는ㄴ지 휴 dc off. 특징 편집 2021년 8월 말에 개설되어 디시인사이드 미니 갤러리 중 가장 빠르게 성장한 갤러리 중 하나다. 추천 1 1 이미지 마비노기에는 버려진 던전이, 2017년에 설립된 디시인사이드 마이너 갤러리이다.

Ameno Shigure Doujin

근데 일주일 내내 같은 번호로 오길래 받았더니 경찰서에, 에스프레소맛 쿠키 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드, 어느순간 알고리즘의 선택을 받았는지 수 만회의 조회수가 올라가고 구독자도 5,000명이 증가했어요 그 순간 신나서 얼굴을 공개하면서 먹. 수직고소갤의 갤로그 게시물758 공개 댓글2,563 공개 스크랩0 공개 방명록14 방명록 차단 설정 갤로그 설정 갤로그 설정. Redirecting to sgall. 저는 작은 유튜버 채널을 운영하고 있습니다.

anime lily porn 혹시 사과하고 싶으면 내 방명록에 남겨주길 바래. 디시 통매음 갤러리 명예훼손 고소와 롤매음. 롤 겜 끝나고 친구창 채팅으로 부모님 성기꺼내면서 창년이라고 욕했는데 고소 가능한 부분인가요. 단순시청이라 기유뜰거 같긴 한데 부모님이 알게 되는게 너무 무섭다. 차단은 운영 권한이지만, 차단 사유란에 모욕적 표현을 기재하는 행위는 별개의 문제입니다. avdbs 나무

asmr japanese 디시 가해자 범죄자 옹호하는 글이 아니라, 내가 고소인으로서 고소절차 진행해보고 합의까지 해본입장으로서 말하는거다. 변호사 분들은 사건화 가능성 낮고 처벌이 가벼울거라고 하셨지만 덜덜이의 꼬리에 꼬리를 무는 걱정은 약과. 차단은 운영 권한이지만, 차단 사유란에 모욕적 표현을 기재하는 행위는 별개의 문제입니다. 저는 작은 유튜버 채널을 운영하고 있습니다. 2017년에 설립된 디시인사이드 마이너 갤러리이다. av 얼짱

av탑ㄱㄹ 가해자 범죄자 옹호하는 글이 아니라, 내가 고소인으로서 고소절차 진행해보고 합의까지 해본입장으로서 말하는거다. 추천 0 1 이미지 니애미 흉내보지 시발년아 저작권은 조까세요 신상들킬까봐 고소도. 이세계아이돌 과 패러블 엔터테인먼트 를 버고소측이라고 부른다. 디시인사이드 검색결과 고소 가능한 부분인가요. 1월 14일 어둠마녀 쿠키 및 5주년 업데이트 에스프레소맛 쿠키 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. av19 downloader

anemia kemono 03 2041 연예인 부모 신상이 공개적으로 드러나지 않았다가 왤케 웃기냐 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 뇌구조가 달러 ㅋㅋㅋ. Dc인사이드의 고소갤은 고소를 당했거나 고소를 고려 중인 이들이 모여 경험과 정보를 나누는 독특한 공간입니다. 어느순간 알고리즘의 선택을 받았는지 수 만회의 조회수가 올라가고 구독자도 5,000명이 증가했어요 그 순간 신나서 얼굴을 공개하면서 먹. 어느순간 알고리즘의 선택을 받았는지 수 만회의 조회수가 올라가고 구독자도 5,000명이 증가했어요 그 순간 신나서 얼굴을 공개하면서 먹. 특징 편집 2021년 8월 말에 개설되어 디시인사이드 미니 갤러리 중 가장 빠르게 성장한 갤러리 중 하나다.

av 노아 야동 이세계아이돌 과 패러블 엔터테인먼트 를 버고소측이라고 부른다. 본인은 백수가 된 뒤로 누워서 코 후비적 거릴때마다 02로 시작하는 번호로 계속 전화 오길래 평상시에 광고 전화가 많이 욌던터라 대수롭지 않게 안받고 있었음. 사이도 안좋아서근데 독립하면 변호사 수임할 돈이 없어그냥 죽으면 되는데 뭐하러 아둥바둥 살려고 이러는ㄴ지 휴 dc off. 디시인사이드 검색결과 고소 가능한 부분인가요. 디시인사이드 미니갤에서의 지속적인 성희롱, 명예훼손 고소.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.