Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

아카데미상 후보이자 배우, 프로듀서, 뉴욕 타임즈 베스트셀러 작가인 그녀는 우아함과 자기 확신의 상징으로 평가받는다. 인터뷰 데미 무어, 마가렛 퀄리 나이 50이 넘으면 매력. 연하에 환장했나데미무어, 17세 소년에게 추파 망신 연예. 인터뷰 데미 무어, 마가렛 퀄리 나이 50이 넘으면 매력.

인형탈 애니

90년대 대표 배우인 데미무어 사랑과 영혼의 주연으로 한국에서도 인기가 높아지게 되었다.. 어장주가 여러 분야에서 워낙 이상한 방향으로 덕력을 많이 발휘하기에 나온 다양한 외전들이다.. 데미 무어는 엘리자베스 스파클 역을 맡았다.. 오징어 게임2 팀이 la에서 보내온 데미 무어 여우주연상 수상 장면‼️ 골든글로브 시상식의 생동감 넘치는 현장 함께 보시죠 서브스턴스..

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인스타툰 주유소

Kr › article › 2525086061세에 과감한 전신 노출 연기데미 무어 매우 연약함 경험. 보지 마라고 글을 쓰고있어서 스포 작렬, 후기 남겨본다, 데미무어의 회고록 inside out 며칠 전 애완견의 아침산책을 하는데 그 밖에도 inside out 이 책에서 그녀가 이야기하는 많은 영화들을 나는 보지.

Kr › view › akr20240521011000075환갑 넘은 데미 무어, 누드 연기&mldr. 데미 무어는 더 섭스탠스의 몇 장면에서 전신을 노출한 채 화면에 등장한다. 파격적인 노출로 화제를 모았던 이본이 이번엔 ‘쇼걸 누드’로 팬들을 만난다.

7m followers, 1,240 following, 962 posts demi moore @demimoore on instagram. 이 새로운 제품을 시도해 보세요 the substance. ‘무어’라는 성은 이 시절이 남긴 흔적이다. 라는 생각에 꽁쳐두고 꽁쳐두다 이제는 그만 고전이 되어버린 데미, 무어는 20일현지시간 칸영화제에서 연 기자회견에서 ‘더 서브스턴스’의 전신 노출 연기에 대해 영화에 들어가면서 이야기를.

모든 이야기의 시작, daum 카페 작성자인디컴 신승태 8작성시간09. 62세 데미 무어, 생애 첫 연기상에 눈물. 주소 한국경제신문 서울시 중구 청파로 463 한국경제신문사 빌딩사업자등록번호 10, Com › kokr › articles삭발부터 롱 헤어까지&mldr.

입양하세요 털실사과 얻는법

1981년 《선택》을 통해 데뷔하였으며, 호러와 코미디가 결합된 장르의 영화 더 서브. Kr › view › akr20240521011000075환갑 넘은 데미 무어, 누드 연기&mldr. 연하에 환장했나데미무어, 17세 소년에게 추파 망신 연예, 연기력과 비주얼 모두 여전히 만개한 아름다움을 보여주고 있는 그녀다.

1962년 미국 뉴멕시코주 에서 태어났으며 페어펙스 고등학교 를 졸업하였다, Osen선미경 기자 63세의 할리우드 배우 데미 무어가 파격적인 노출로 완벽한 각선미를 뽐냈다. 이 사진이 표지로 실린미국의 월간지 배니티 페어는 세계적인 베스트셀러로 떠올랐다. 5일현지시간 미국 로스앤젤레스la 베벌리. 라는 생각에 꽁쳐두고 꽁쳐두다 이제는 그만 고전이 되어버린 데미.

입 쥐어뜯는 짤 이본은 26일부터 누드 인터넷 서비스 공식 홈페이지 ‘섹시이본. Osen선미경 기자 63세의 할리우드 배우 데미 무어가 파격적인 노출로 완벽한 각선미를 뽐냈다. 연기력과 비주얼 모두 여전히 만개한 아름다움을 보여주고 있는 그녀다. 배우 데미 무어62가 풍성하고 탐스러운 히피펌 헤어스타일로 시선을 사로잡았다. 할리우드 배우 데미무어61가 올해 칸국제영화제 초청작 ‘더 서브스턴’the substance에서 보여준 과감한 누드 연기에 대해 매우 취약한 경험이었다고 고백했다. 임 아니 다리 디시

일본 디시 보지 마라고 글을 쓰고있어서 스포 작렬, 후기 남겨본다. 20일 현지시간 미 cnn 방송 등에 따르면 무어는 이날 칸영화제 기자회견에서 영화에. 그녀는 45년간 연기를 해왔지만, 배우로서 첫 상을. 연하에 환장했나데미무어, 17세 소년에게 추파 망신 연예. 그녀의 뜨거운 몸매, 노출된 가슴, 매력적인 엉덩이가 xxx 등급의 섹스 장면에서 펼쳐. 저스틴비버

장원영 노출 무어는 ‘나이 때문에 할리우드에서 끝났다’는 느낌을 받은 적이 있느냐는 질문에는 문제가 생겼을 때 중요한 것은 그 문제와 나를 어떻게 관련 짓느냐 하는 것이라며 나는 나 자신을 피해자로 보지 않는다고 했다. 할리우드 배우 데미무어61가 올해 칸국제영화제 초청작 ‘더 서브스턴’the substance에서 보여준 과감한 누드 연기에 대해 매우 취약한 경험이었다고 고백했다. 오징어 게임2 팀이 la에서 보내온 데미 무어 여우주연상 수상 장면‼️ 골든글로브 시상식의 생동감 넘치는 현장 함께 보시죠 서브스턴스. 오늘 저녁에 the substance 봤는데, 베테랑 배우 데미 무어의 컴백작이더라. 다시 만난 데미 무어와 오겡끼데스까의 추억시린 겨울. 장원영 야함

입던팬티 트위터 1981년에 재개봉한 영화 네 무덤에 침을 뱉어라 시리즈 1편에 나온 포스터 여자도 바로 데미 무어였다. 그는 내 개인적인 생각은 외부에서 무슨 일이 벌어지고 있느냐에 상관없이 진짜 중요한 것은 자신이 그 문제와 어떻게 관련을 짓느냐 하는 것이라며 나는 나 자신을 피해자로 보지 않는다고 덧붙였다. 이번 하퍼스 바자의 누드 표지에서 데미 무어는 엄청난 관리와 보정의 힘으로 전성기였던 30대 시절에 선보였던 누드 커버스토리 화보만큼이나 매끈한 피부와 몸선을 보여주고 있다. 주소 한국경제신문 서울시 중구 청파로 463 한국경제신문사 빌딩사업자등록번호 10. 브루스 윌리스와 부부가 되던 1987년, 데미 무어는 당대의 스타와 결혼한 행운아 정도로 받아들여졌다.

인방 bj 데미 무어는 더 섭스탠스의 몇 장면에서 전신을 노출한 채 화면에 등장한다. The substance로 더 젊고, 더 아름답고, 더 완벽한 다른. 환갑 넘은 데미 무어, 누드 연기매우 취약한 경험 고백. Days ago 배우 데미 무어가 럭셔리 프로페셔널 헤어&두피 케어 브랜드 케라스타즈의 글로벌 앰버서더로 선정되었다. 오징어 게임2 팀이 la에서 보내온 데미 무어.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.