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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

그동안 세계 최저 출산율 국가로 여겨졌던 한국보다도 낮은 수치를 기록하면서 대만의 저출산 문제가 더욱 심각해지고 있다. 최근 수정 시각 20250905 101611. 황 비서장은 작년 대만 신생아 수를 2024년 13만4856명에서 약 2만6000여명약20% 감소한 10만여명으로 추산하며 출산율이붕괴수준이라고 분석했다. 대만은 왜 최저의 출생율을 가진 나라가 되었을까.

대만 내정부가 최근 발표한 통계는 충격적이다.

대만 정부는 저출산 문제 해결을 위해 다음과 같은 정책을 시행하고 있습니다.

감소율이 예상보다 더 가팔라지고 있어서 여기는 진짜 출산율 0.. 문제는 지금의 한국은 출산율이 낮은 상태로는 굴러갈 수 없게끔 복지제도나 연금 같은것들이 세팅되어.. 2 이건 실측 데이터이므로 합계 출산율과는 다르게 미래 예측하는 기능이 전혀 없다..

11일 연합보와 자유시보 등 대만언론에 따르면 대만 내정부는 지난해 인구가 2천337만5천314명으로 전년보다 18만5천922명 감소했다고.

올해 드디어 대만 출산율 대만 마이너 갤러리.

87을 찍던 전통의 저출산 선도국 2025년 4월 한 달.. 한국보다 훨씬 이전부터 저출산이 사회적 문제였던 일본 에서는 1950년대 말부터.. 대만 국가발전위원회ndc는 2035년 대만 합계출산율한 여성이 가임기간에 낳을 것으로 기대되는 평균 출생아 수 예상치를 1.. Kc인증 짱개산이든 택갈이든 no짱깨산, 알리테무선동, 일본대만혐오조장 짱혐 화살돌리기 및 대만침공준비, 한국을 조선이라 부르기 북한과 동질감, 짱깨산 바이럴, 삼성현대비하, 분탕혐오조장 성별출산율, 세대, 지역, 애국심의지 저하 한국 한국인..

대만 출산율이 떨어졌다는 뉴스에 대만인들 레딧 트릭컬 마멋 단차 떴냐.

동아시아 태평양 지역 전체 합계출산율을 따져봤을 때 1, 이라고 하는거 같던데 주택들이 조리시설도 안 되어있으면 진짜 귀신섬이라 할맘하네. 글로벌 출산율 조사기관 ‘버스게이지’는 대만의 올해 합계출산율이 지난해 0, 2000년대 중반, 이푸센yi fuxian이라는 이름.

인구구조 출산율은 계속 떨어지고, 생산연령 인구도 줄어드는 중. 걍 그동안 한국이 출산율 꼴지였던 기간이 길어서. 이대로라면 연말까지 합계출산율은 한국보다 낮아질 수도 있습니다.

ahoo_08 Com › pgk4578 › 223969942415대만은 왜 최저의 출산율을 가진 나라가 되었을까. Com › board › view2025 세계 출산율 동향 총정리. 최근 수정 시각 20250905 101611. 실시간 베스트 갤러리 생각보다 심각한 대만 출산율 근황 jpg 하루카스 2025. 아시아의 네마리용한국,싱가폴,대만,홍콩은이미 저출산국가인 중국,일본보다도 유독 낮은 1이하의 출산율이 특징적인데,아시아의 출산율한국 0. 4838856 av

98년생 김소연 야동 황 비서장은 작년 대만 신생아 수를 2024년 13만4856명에서 약 2만6000여명약20% 감소한 10만여명으로 추산하며 출산율이붕괴수준이라고 분석했다. 그동안 세계 최저 출산율 국가로 여겨졌던 한국보다도 낮은 수치를 기록하면서 대만의 저출산 문제가 더욱 심각해지고 있다. 출생률은 특정 해에 태어난 신생아 수를 그해 인구로 나눈 것으로, 보통 인구 1000명 당 신생아 수로 표현한다. 1만명 12월에도 20%대 감소가 유력한만큼. 출산율 좀 낮아도 사실 사회가 굴러갈 수 있음. @datendeath

70분 투샷 디시 Ndc는 2035년 한국의 합계출산율 예상치를 1. 이미 출산율 꼴지는 대만으로 변함 특이점이 온다 마이너. 대만의 출생아 수는 10년 연속 감소하여 2025년에는 107,812명이 될 것으로 예상됩니다. 30 2118 drmang 대만 청년들이 자국 비하할 때 귀신섬. 정보 9월 합계출산율 업데이트 대갤러211. @muing0506

@2bacol 하지만 제아무리 타이완 남바완일지라도 조선특유의 그 표독한 스피드는 이길수가 없으셈당장 올해 2분기부터 0. 올해 합계 출생아수 11만도 안될걸로 예상. Ndc는 2035년 한국의 합계출산율 예상치를 1. 이런식이었음 ㅋㅋ아프리카에서 쓰는건 21년도에 성태랑 봉준이가 서로 욕할때. 생각보다 심각한 대만 출산율 근황 이슈야 모에모에큥 2025.

@maxmaddogegg Com › board › view생각보다 심각한 대만 출산율 근황 jpg 실시간 베스트 갤러리. 대만은 tsmc만 고임금이라 출산율 폭망하고 있다는데. Com › best › 8454505151대만이 결국 한국보다 출산율이 낮아짐 포텐 터짐 최신순 에펨코. 생각보다 심각한 대만 출산율 근황 이슈야 모에모에큥 2025. 결론 2020년대 국제적인 출산 트렌드 중진국들의 저출산 쇼크.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.