Days ago 28일 서울 종로구 교원종각빌딩에서 민희진 전 대표의 뉴진스 탬퍼링 의혹과 관련한 공개 기자회견에서 민희진 전 어도어 대표의 소송대리인인 법무법인 지암의 김선웅 변호사가 민 전 대표의 녹취록을 재생하고 있다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

더쿠마저 뉴진스 버렸네 링크복사 퍼가기. 동료에 대한 사과 ‘인권은 뉴진스에게만 있는 게 아니다’ 뉴진스와 어도어 전 대표 민희진이 보인 동료 아티스트를 향한 태도는 가장 큰 실망을 안겨줬다. 이슈 뉴진스 데뷔 입덕이자 탈덕팬이 올렸다는 글. 특히 최근 주주간계약 소송에서 하이브 이재상 대표가 뉴진스 멤버 부모에게 탬퍼링 관련 유리한 증언을 할 수 있도록 요구하였다는 뉴진스.

유머 미스터비스트에게 총공중이라는 뉴진스 팬들 68,427 539 무명의 더쿠 Stheqoo.

이슈 재판 간 뉴진스 팬 뉴진스쪽 주장 인정된게 단 하나도 없다 59,898 271 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo.. 민지, 하니, 다니엘, 해린, 혜인, oo, 등이 데뷔조 선발 경쟁을 펼쳤다.. 사실 어도어가 뉴진스를 끝까지 끌고갈 이유도 없잖아요..

민희진 측 어도어, 다니엘만 전속계약 해지뉴진스 지키기, We’re just really thankful that a lot of media outlets from overseas have gotten interest into our situation, that actually are open to hearing what we have to say and how we feel about the situation and just everything. 그들을 지켜줄 의지와 능력이 있는 대표님. Days ago 종로박재만 기자 pjm@sportschosun, 이슈 활동중단 선언 후 부둥켜 안고 우는 njz 뉴진스.

Days ago 28일 서울 종로구 교원종각빌딩에서 민희진 전 대표의 뉴진스 탬퍼링 의혹과 관련한 공개 기자회견에서 민희진 전 어도어 대표의 소송대리인인 법무법인 지암의 김선웅 변호사가 민 전 대표의 녹취록을 재생하고 있다, Com › news › retrievenewsinfo완전체 깨진 뉴진스&mldr. 민희진 측 뉴진스 탬퍼링 의혹은 주가 조작 세력의 대국민. Com7270186njznewjeansexclusivehybeadorlegalbattlecomplexconhongkong너무 길어서 chatgpt로 요약해옴2024년 11월, kpop 그룹 뉴진스 newjeans의 멤버들은 소속사 ador와의 계약을 일방적으로 종료하고, njz라는 새로운 이름으로 활동을 이어가겠다고 발표했습니다, Com › news › retrievenewsinfo완전체 깨진 뉴진스&mldr.

그들을 지켜줄 의지와 능력이 있는 대표님. 원래 계약기간은 2029년 7월까지 였으니, 본안에서도 진다면 계약기간은 지금 2030년을 넘음 이 변호사는 팀버니즈 업무도 했던 변호사, 블라인드 tv연예 더쿠마저 뉴진스 버렸네, We’re just really thankful that a lot of media outlets from overseas have gotten interest into our situation, that actually are open to hearing what we have to say and how we feel about the situation and just everything. 뉴진스나 민희진 안좋게 말 조금만하면 시헉부인 하마스 소리 들어서 숨어있던 사람들 총출동임 나는 뉴진스 진짜 팬이었는데 아일릿 르세라핌 다좋아.

Dispatch김지호박혜진기자 2021년 3월 27일, N팀 현 뉴진스 데뷔 평가.

Com › mgallery › board더쿠 언냐의 뉴진스 실물후기 뉴진스 해린 마이너 갤러리.. Com › best › 8160711753뉴진스 타임지 인터뷰 전문 feat.. 쏘스뮤직 소속 연습생 7명이 카메라 앞에 섰다..

인용된 가처분 결정에 이의 제기가 접수되면 같은 재판부가 다시 심리를 하게 된다. 올라오는 핫글들마다 하이브가 투자 엄청해줬다고 ㅋㅋㅋ 이제 누가 뉴진스편임, 어도어는 뉴진스를 보호할 의지도 능력도 없다, 올라오는 핫글들마다 하이브가 투자 엄청해줬다고 ㅋㅋㅋ 이제 누가 뉴진스편임.

24일 법조계에 따르면 뉴진스 멤버 5명은 지난 21일 어도어의 ‘기획사 지위보전 및 광고계약 체결 금지’ 가처분 전부 인용 결정을 내린 서울중앙지법에 이의 신청서를 제출했다.

어도어는 뉴진스를 보호할 의지도 능력도 없다. 이게 끝이 아니라는 걸 법원의 가처분 인용으로 독자 활동이. 24일 법조계에 따르면 뉴진스 멤버 5명은 지난 21일 어도어의 ‘기획사 지위보전 및 광고계약 체결 금지’ 가처분 전부 인용 결정을 내린 서울중앙지법에 이의 신청서를 제출했다, 너무 똑같아서 말도 안 나온다는 뉴진스 vs 멕진스 뮤비 비교 뉴진스, 90년대 멕시코 그룹 진스와 유사 멕시코 언론 기사 재조명 아일릿에 발끈한 뉴. 딸 a의 소송을 반대하는 친권자 b씨의 권한은 제한됐음을 의미한다.

네토일기 Com › news › retrievenewsinfo완전체 깨진 뉴진스&mldr. 딸 a의 소송을 반대하는 친권자 b씨의 권한은 제한됐음을 의미한다. 그룹 뉴진스 소속사 어도어가 아티스트에 대한 성희롱 및 인종차별 발언에 법적 대응한다. 유머 미스터비스트에게 총공중이라는 뉴진스 팬들 68,427 539 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 24일 법조계에 따르면 뉴진스 멤버 5명은 지난 21일 어도어의 ‘기획사 지위보전 및 광고계약 체결 금지’ 가처분 전부 인용 결정을 내린 서울중앙지법에 이의 신청서를 제출했다. 남돌 자지

네토 사이트 멜론 top 100 차트의 상위권을 뉴진스가 장악했습니다. 이슈 커뮤니티제외하고는 여론 꽤 돌아서게 만든 뉴진스 짤 96,316 484 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 뉴진스 컴백 기념 현수막 광고진행합니다현수막 광고기간 522일 수528화장소 봄날 플라워 카페rt후 뉴진스 컴백기념 축하 현수막촬영후 해시테그와함께 트위터에 올려. 이 사람 진짜 아이돌판 잘알이다 더쿠뉴진스sm 크게보기 신고하기. 민희진 측 어도어, 다니엘만 전속계약 해지뉴진스 지키기. 노은솔 nude

남자발 갤러리 Comarticle1735 22일 뉴진스 멤버 5인이 타임지와 진행한 단독 인터뷰가 공개됐다. 전염병의 도시에서 펼쳐지는 기이한 이야기, 《창궐》 도서. 이게 끝이 아니라는 걸 법원의 가처분 인용으로 독자 활동이. 뉴진스 newjeans팬클럽의 최신 소식, 공연 일정, 앨범 리뷰와 음악 비디오, 팬미팅 정보 등을 공유하며, 멤버 소식과 팬아트, 팬덤 활동에 대해 토론하는 팬카페 사이트입니다. 뉴진스 멤버들 중 다니엘 이 어도어와의 전속계약이 해지됐다. 남자 아이 레고

냥붑 18 민희진 측 뉴진스 탬퍼링 의혹은 주가 조작 세력의 대국민. 이슈 활동중단 선언 후 부둥켜 안고 우는 njz 뉴진스. 민희진 전 어도어 대표 측이 뉴진스 탬퍼링 의혹을 대국민 사기극으로 규정하며 주식시장 교란 공모설을 제기했다. 이슈 활동중단 선언 후 부둥켜 안고 우는 njz 뉴진스. Com7270186njznewjeansexclusivehybeadorlegalbattlecomplexconhongkong너무 길어서 chatgpt로 요약해옴2024년 11월, kpop 그룹 뉴진스 newjeans의 멤버들은 소속사 ador와의 계약을 일방적으로 종료하고, njz라는 새로운 이름으로 활동을 이어가겠다고 발표했습니다.

네즈코 미츠리 하니 it’s been very hard for us to kind of properly express our point of view. 너무 똑같아서 말도 안 나온다는 뉴진스 vs 멕진스 뮤비 비교 뉴진스, 90년대 멕시코 그룹 진스와 유사 멕시코 언론 기사 재조명 아일릿에 발끈한 뉴. 특히 최근 주주간계약 소송에서 하이브 이재상 대표가 뉴진스 멤버 부모에게 탬퍼링 관련 유리한 증언을 할 수 있도록 요구하였다는 뉴진스. 하이브 뉴진스 hybe newjeans. 민희진 측 어도어, 다니엘만 전속계약 해지뉴진스 지키기.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.