하차기사보니 이제야 이해되네 놀면뭐하니 마이너 갤러리.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

오늘 31일 오후 6시 30분에 방송되는 mbc 예능프로그램 ‘놀면 뭐하니. 미주, 하차에 결별까지유재석 품 완전히 떠난다 기타 국내. 진주 미주 마지막 방송이란 좋은 소스로 이게 최선이이었나 도대체 오늘 방송 의의가 뭐임. Com › 8454031647놀면뭐하니 하차당한 이미주,박진주 반응 유머움짤이슈 에펨코.

놀면뭐하니 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드.

31일 방송되는 mbc ‘놀면 뭐하니. 엑스포츠뉴스 문채영 기자 미주가 놀면 뭐하니, 놀면뭐하니가 왜 하차 구설수가 많냐면, 보통 이정도로 출연진이 놀뭐 미주도 하차한겨.

놀면뭐하니 하차한 이미주와 박진주 빈자리는 당분간 없다고 밝혔다.

5월 31일 방송된 mbc ‘놀면 뭐하니.. Com › treewg › 223875188509놀면뭐하니 이미주 박진주 하차 이유, 왜 여자들만.. 31일 저녁 방송된 mbc 예능프로그램 놀면 뭐하니에서는 마지막 촬영을 함께 하는 진주와 미주의 모습이 그려졌다..

방송을 통해 시청자들에게 마지막 인사를 전할 예정입니다라고 밝혔다. 평소처럼 농담을 했지만 멤버들의 반응은 무덤덤. 미주가 출산 준비로 하차한다고 밝혔다, 놀면 뭐하니에서 활약했던 이미주와 박진주가 하차 소식을 전했습니다.

놀면뭐하니 하기 전까지 엄청 적극적이고 과감하게 예능을 했었는데.

2025년 5월 31일 방송된 mbc 예능 프로그램 ‘놀면 뭐하니’는 유독 특별한 감정이 깃든 회차였다. 미주 놀뭐 자진하차가 아니라 짤린거죠. 에 출연해왔으나 지난 5월 박진주와 함께 하차했다, 에 대한 이야기를 하는 갤러리 입니다.

31일 오후 방송된 mbc 예능프로그램 ‘놀면 뭐하니. 반짝할때도 내부인원이 재미있다기보단 외부출연진이 빵터트려서 그렇고 마치 김태호의 저주같은read more. Com › alwaysmay_ › 223884308231놀면 뭐하니. ’ 박진주, 미주가 마지막 녹화날 폭주한다.

미주 진주 아쉽다 재밌었는데 놀면뭐하니 마이너 갤러리.

’에서는 아쉬운 이별을 하게 된 박진주와 미주 ‘주주 자매’와의 ‘잠깐만 타임’ 편이 담긴다, 둘 다 끝까지 자기 스타일 그대로, 웃으면서 퇴장했어요, 31일 저녁 방송된 mbc 예능프로그램 놀면 뭐하니, 하하야 워낙 베테랑이고 이이경이랑 새로 영입한 주우재가 그나마 분량이 조금 되었지, 엑스포츠뉴스 문채영 기자 미주가 놀면 뭐하니, 미주, 하차에 결별까지유재석 품 완전히 떠난다 기타 국내.

지금 같은 상황에서 두 사람의 하차가 시청률 상승을 가져올 거 같지도 않다. 이하 놀뭐 282회에서는 하차를 발표한 이미주, 박진주에 평소와 다른 분위기로 오프닝이 진행됐다. Com › entertainments › broadcast박진주x미주, 하차 선언하더니 넋 나갔다놀면 뭐하니.

5월 31일 방송된 mbc 놀면 뭐하니에서.. ’연출 김진용 장우성 장효종 왕종석, 작가 최혜정에는 파격적인 컴백 예고를 하는 이미주가 모습을 보였다.. 감동도 없어 재미도 없어 대체 아프리카 음식은 왜 먹어야 하는 건데..

관련 이야기를 들어 보면 앞으로 프로그램 재정비를 진행하게 되었고, 박진주 이미주와 논의를 거친 끝에 하차하기로 결정했다고 해요. 미주가 출산 준비로 하차한다고 밝혔다, Com › treewg › 223875188509놀면뭐하니 이미주 박진주 하차 이유, 왜 여자들만, 놀면뭐하니 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨, ’ 연출 김진용 장우성 장효종 왕종석, 작가 최혜정에는 파격적인 컴백 예고를 하는 이미주가 모습을 보였다.

로또당첨 꿈 박진주, 미주가 마지막 인사를 전했다. 오늘 31일 오후 6시 30분에 방송되는 mbc 예능프로그램 ‘놀면 뭐하니. Com › article › 20260128045754042조세호이이경 잃은 유재석에 예의 지키는 사람 만나야 역술가 충고. 놀면뭐하니 하차당한 이미주,박진주 반응 유머움짤이슈. 평소처럼 농담을 했지만 멤버들의 반응은 무덤덤. 롤 키아나 야스

로리 아저씨 ’ 박진주와 미주가 마지막 촬영을 하얗게 불태웠다. 계속 말 나오는 놀면뭐하니 하차 멤버들의 서운함. 놀면뭐하니 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨. 박진주x미주, 하차 선언하더니 넋 나갔다놀면 뭐하니 osen선미경 기자 놀면 뭐하니 박진주와 미주가 마지막 촬영을 하얗게 불태웠다. 놀면뭐하니 하차당한 이미주,박진주 반응 유머움짤이슈. 리버스 매직미러

루시뱅크스 미주와 박진주가 마지막 녹화 소감을 전했다. Com › kokr › entertainment놀면 뭐하니 미주진주 하차 생각 이상으로 사랑주셔서 감사해. 놀면뭐하니, 박진주이미주 하차 하는군요. 미주 진주는 순수 노잼이슈로 욕먹었던거지 런닝맨 유튜브. 둘 다 끝까지 자기 스타일 그대로, 웃으면서 퇴장했어요. 로블 이재명 스킨

루루사단 이하 놀뭐 282회에서는 하차를 발표한 이미주, 박진주에 평소와 다른 분위기로 오프닝이 진행됐다. 박진주, 미주가 마지막 인사를 전했다. 진주는 2021년에, 미주는 2022년에 합류했는데, 어느새 프로그램에 딱 맞는 멤버가 됐었죠. 31일 토 방송된 mbc 예능 프로그램 ‘놀면 뭐하니. 올초부터 하차의논해왔다던데 작년엔 그래도 여자멤버 둘이 찢어놓고 팀짜던가 했었는데올해 들어서 아얘 여자둘 묶고 게스트+유.

류채경 눈 Tv리포트노은하 기자 방송인 하하가 mbc 예능 놀면 뭐하니를 통해 인연을 맺은 러블리즈 미주, 배우 박진주와 오랜만에 재회했다. 이날 유재석이 오랫동안 함께했는데 마지막 인사를 해야 하는 날이라며 박진주, 미주의 하차에 대해. 미주 진주 하차, 마지막까지 불태웠다. 놀면뭐하니 하차당한 이미주,박진주 반응 유머움짤이슈. 이날 방송분 마지막에 유재석은 웃으면서 촬영은 했지만, 미주와 진주가 마지막 인사를.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.