근데 나 간호 1학년인데 솔직히 같은 간호애들 남자로 안보이긴함ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 근데 아는오빠는 솔직히 외모는 별론데 자기관리 잘해서 간호갔는데 연애 진짜많이 하더라 케바케인듯.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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130 보수가 3교대라 그렇지 솔직히 엄청 많음 빅시리즈 아니라도 이제 잘주는 사립은 남자 초봉 5000가까이 주더라 봉급크게는 안올라도 초봉이 ㄷㄷ함 2020.

간호학과에서 연애 못하면 문제있다던데 ㄹㅇ 어케함, 남간은 거의 임상 23년 후 소방직이 정루트 수준, Com › board › view간호사 남친 하면서 느낀 점 간호학 갤러리. 간호학과 학생들이 정말 그렇게 시간이 없어. 남성호르몬 평균이상인 정상적인 남자면 간호사같은 직업하려고 하겠냐ㅋㅋ 동성애 성향있고 정신적으로 계집애같은놈들이 대부분이었다.

고향은 부산이며, 학력은 모 대학교 간호학 학사를 마친 것으로 알려졌습니다.. 고향은 부산이며, 학력은 모 대학교 간호학 학사를 마친 것으로 알려졌습니다.. 남자간호학생이 생각하는 남자간호사대학vs하는 남고딩 필독.. Kr › community › view남자가 간호같은 여초학과 가면 연애 난이도..

이제 합격해서 간호학과 생활에 꿈이 부분 사랑하는 남자 후배들에게 도움이 되었으면 한다.

간호사, rn, 직장인, 연애, 소개팅, 핑크빛, 결혼 안녕하세요 알앤 꽃길러 입니다. 망할 의대는 좁아터져서 간대랑 씨씨만 하면 일거수일투족이 본4 귀까지 다 들어가서 부담스러운데 간대도 동기중에 한명이 같은학교 의대랑 연애. 간호사 남친 하면서 느낀 점 간호학 갤러리. 잘생기고 성격좋음 한명 봄ㅇㅇ 극도로 희귀 그런데 문제는 간호과남자들은 허세가 심한경우가많고, 홍일점이라는 학과특성상 자기가 인기많다고 착각 read more. 정신 간호학, 낭만닥터 김사부 간호사, 중환자실 체험 등 다양한 주제를 다룹니다.

35살 남자에게 41 여자 소개팅 해줘도 되냐, 지금은 일주일에 45시간 일하고, 렌트비의 42%를 내고, read more. Net › name › 56000853남자가 간호학과에 가면 연애하기 비교적 쉬울까. 먼저 내소개를 하자면, 간갤 눈팅족이고, 지잡간호학과 4학년 올라가는 남학생이야. 방사선사로 생활하다가 간호사들이 좀더 비전이 있어보여 대학원 진학을 포기하고 간호학과에 진학해 현재는 면허취득후 간호사로 생활하고 있습니다. 학과 이상하고 별 잘못도 안했는데 정신병자년들이 일부러 남자 연애 못하게.

나는 남중 남고 나와서 학교라는 모든 집단이 프리하고 숨기는 거 없이 친구라면 서로 털어놓을 거 다 털어놓는 그런 곳인줄 알았다.

간호학과 추천하시는가요, 아님 상경계열가서 평범하게 취업을 하는게 나을까요. 지금 자연대 다니고 2학년인데 취업에 답없음을 깨닫고 휴학하고 수시 원서 넣어서 3등급 라인 간호대라도 가려고 하거든 간호만큼 취직이 정말 쉽고 3년차에 실수령 300을 주는 직장이 많지 않더라구 물론 그만큼 굴리긴 하지만 그게 너무 힘들면 공무원 및 공직으로 빠질데가 많으니까 그래서, 간호대에서는 의대랑 연애하면 소문 어떻게 나요.

잘생기고 성격좋음 한명 봄ㅇㅇ 극도로 희귀 그런데 문제는 간호과남자들은 허세가 심한경우가많고, 홍일점이라는 학과특성상 자기가 인기많다고 착각 read more, 45등급 지방전문대에서도 열심히하면 빅5 취직할 수 있는 걸로봐서 똑. 반전의 모습을 보여라 이건 좀 적용하기가 힘들 수도 있는데 너의 평소 모습을 너 스스로 잘 봐봐. 경험과 이야기를 공유하는 남자간호사의 일상 속 이야기.

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오늘의 속보 및 주요 개발 2025년 11월 15일 잘생기고 성격좋음 한명 봄ㅇㅇ 극도로 희귀 그런데 문제는 간호과남자들은 허세가 심한경우가많고, 홍일점이라는 학과특성상 자기가 인기많다고 착각 read more. 방사선사로 생활하다가 간호사들이 좀더 비전이 있어보여 대학원 진학을 포기하고 간호학과에 진학해 현재는 면허취득후 간호사로 생활하고 있습니다. 06 1952 간호학과 자체가 지잡이어도 공부 아예 못하는 애들은 못가지 않나 그래도 그래도 3등급은 나와야 될거 같은데 십이다 2025. 이제 합격해서 간호학과 생활에 꿈이 부분 사랑하는 남자 후배들에게 도움이 되었으면 한다. 04 202001 스크랩 조회 43545 추천 256 댓글 225 여초에서 살아남기 위해서. 연우 대딸

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여장 바텀 트위터 Com › board › nursing디시인사이드. Kr › community › view남자가 간호같은 여초학과 가면 연애 난이도. 남자간호가 현실을 말씀드리자면 굉장히 암울합니다. 야간 3교대근무도 공장알바 6개월해봐서 잘 견뎌내고, 운동도 좋아해서 체력적으로는 문제가 없는데 간호쪽이랑은 또 다를테니 재수도 올해로 끝낼거라 신중해야돼서. 다들 행복한 간호사가 될 수 있기를 빌게.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.