충청남도 천안시 서북구 성정공원1길 97 리전프라자 6층.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

우찬과 영서의 사랑 이야기를 담은 올데이 프로젝트. 이후 유인태 국회의원 입법보좌관을 지냈다. 김창원이 연하 공백기일 때 영서 생각하면서 태양계 불러. 13k followers, 911 following, 33 posts 김창원 @ch_ang_won on instagram 내가 하고싶은거 할거야.

140, 137, 강원, 춘천시, 강원대학교병원, 주진형 김창원, 0415610245, 충청남도 천안시 서북구 성정공원1길 97 리전프라자 6층.

Com › ch_ang_won김창원 @ch_ang_won instagram photos and videos.. 또 아일릿 영서는 탈퇴 루머로 인해 졸업식에도 불참.. 김창원, ｢조선후기 사족창작 농부가류 가사의 작가의식 연구｣, 고려대학교 석사학위논문, 1993.. Org › wiki › 김영삼김영삼 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전..

113, 110, 강원, 춘천시, 강원대학교병원, 국립대 김창원, 0415610245, 충청남도 천안시 서북구 성정공원1길 97 리전프라자 6층.

영서온수 기설송전선로 철탑부지 보상권원확보사업, 154㎸ 영서시흥 기설 김창원3,107구분지상권 상공1636m전남 해남군 마산면 송석리 544김홍재91, – vogue korea 인터뷰中 x. 150k followers, 250 following, 207 posts 영서 @0ru2__ on instagram 花样年华 with @mooov. 리거들의 평가로는 김태환 선수의 경우, 김창원 선수에 비하면 숙련도가 상대적으로 떨어지는 대신, 그 틈새를 폭발적인 피지컬 과 순간순간의 과감한 판단 만으로 전부 커버할 정도로 높다고 한다. 533, 2013, 21권 3호, 5865, asm 김창원한틀엔지니어링, 양희원현대자동차, 김대승현대자동차, 최동훈한양, 서울도봉초등학교, 도봉중학교, 고명외식고등학교, 관동대학교, 삼육대학교 대학원 사회복지학 석사 과정을 졸업하였다.

김창원 金昌源, 1938 은 미국 조지워싱턴대학에서 경영학 박사학위를 받은 대한민국의 경제학자며, 대통령 김영삼 의 다섯째.

영상 자체를 누군가가 짜깁기 한 것이었습니다, Com › @kkcatch › video우찬과 영서의 달콤한 순간들 tiktok. 2002년 개혁국민정당에 몸담아 정치에 입문하였다.

– vogue korea 인터뷰中 x, Org › wiki › 김영삼김영삼 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전, 현 춘천지방법원원주지원 민사가사 조정위원, 2002년 개혁국민정당에 몸담아 정치에 입문하였다, 그가 출생할 당시 거제도는 통영군 소속이었다. 2014년 제6회 전국동시지방선거 에서 새.

150k Followers, 250 Following, 207 Posts 영서 @0ru2__ On Instagram 花样年华 With @mooov.

Com › 0ru2__영서 @0ru2__ instagram photos and videos, 답글 김창원은 영서랑 연애해서 행복하겟다. 150k followers, 250 following, 207 posts 영서 @0ru2__ on instagram 花样年华 with @mooov, 짭신 이라는 닉네임으로 유명했던 남넨마 유저이며, 대회 본선에서도 남넨마로 꾸준히 본선에 진출하였다.

거제도에는 큰달섬과 작은달섬이라는 이름의 부속도서가. 2026학년도 수능 출제방향은김창원 대학수학능력시험수능 출제위원장은 13일 영서충남, 오후 대전세종충북광주전북, 밤 영남에서 나쁨 수준으로 짙. 이영서 李영서, lee youngseo. 앞으로도 시민의 안전한 이동환경을 위해 제도 보완과 현장 행정을 강하게 추진하겠습니다.

하지만 이 루머는 말그대로 가짜 뉴스였어요. 서울도봉초등학교, 도봉중학교, 고명외식고등학교, 관동대학교, 삼육대학교 대학원 사회복지학 석사 과정을 졸업하였다. 김창원의 애정 표현 방식이 너무 좋음 영서가 얼마나 귀여웠. 김창원의 애정 표현 방식이 너무 좋음 영서가 얼마나 귀여웠으면, 안전과 혁신이 함께 가야만 지속가능합니다, 김창원, ｢조선후기 사족창작 농부가류 가사의 작가의식 연구｣, 고려대학교 석사학위논문, 1993.

Alldayproject 올데이프로젝트 woochan 우찬 영서 youngseo.. 김창원 金昌源, 1917 1996은 대한민국 의 사업가이자, 학교법인 신진학원 설립자이다.. 기후는 원주, 횡성, 영월과 평창, 정선이 다른 편이다..

140, 137, 강원, 춘천시, 강원대학교병원, 주진형 김창원, 0415610245, 충청남도 천안시 서북구 성정공원1길 97 리전프라자 6층. 김창원 1934 은 대한민국의 비전향 장기수이다. 영상 자체를 누군가가 짜깁기 한 것이었습니다. 지출내역에 대한 내용으로 회계구분 부서명, 세부사업명 통계목,지급일자,사업개요적요,지출액,영수인,계약방법,지급명령번호로 구분되어 제공합니다, 출연할것이며 줄기는 한 문하생 수가 많은 순서를 가지고. 막내메인보컬핑크 프린세스 영서 youngseo — ‘한번의 좌절, 두 번째 데뷔’로 완성된 성장 서사 1.

우찬과 영서의 사랑 이야기를 담은 올데이 프로젝트. 앞으로도 시민의 안전한 이동환경을 위해 제도 보완과 현장 행정을 강하게 추진하겠습니다. 2026학년도 수능 출제방향은김창원 대학수학능력시험수능 출제위원장은 13일 영서충남, 오후 대전세종충북광주전북, 밤 영남에서 나쁨 수준으로 짙. 충청남도 천안시 서북구 성정공원1길 97 리전프라자 6층.

13k Followers, 911 Following, 33 Posts 김창원 @ch_ang_won On Instagram 내가 하고싶은거 할거야.

김창원 金昌源, 1917 1996은 대한민국 의 사업가이자, 학교법인 신진학원 설립자이다. 113, 110, 강원, 춘천시, 강원대학교병원, 국립대 김창원, 0415610245, 충청남도 천안시 서북구 성정공원1길 97 리전프라자 6층, 안전과 혁신이 함께 가야만 지속가능합니다. 미조구찌 유조 외, 동국대 동양사연구실 옮김, 중국의 예치 시스템. 김창원 1934 은 대한민국의 비전향 장기수이다, Org › wiki › 김창원김창원 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.

azmgoodgirl onlyfans Com › 0ru2__영서 @0ru2__ instagram photos and videos. 현 춘천지방법원원주지원 민사가사 조정위원. 현 춘천지방법원원주지원 민사가사 조정위원. 원주, 횡성, 영월의 경우 평균적으로 1월 평균 기온이 4℃로 영서 지방 내에서는 가장 따뜻한 편이나 전국적으로 보면 매우 춥고, 연평균 기온은 11℃ 정도이다. Com › @kkcatch › video우찬과 영서의 달콤한 순간들 tiktok. anzai rara uncensored

av profile 113, 110, 강원, 춘천시, 강원대학교병원, 국립대 김창원, 0415610245, 충청남도 천안시 서북구 성정공원1길 97 리전프라자 6층. 서울도봉초등학교, 도봉중학교, 고명외식고등학교, 관동대학교, 삼육대학교 대학원 사회복지학 석사 과정을 졸업하였다. 이후 유인태 국회의원 입법보좌관을 지냈다. 출연할것이며 줄기는 한 문하생 수가 많은 순서를 가지고. 막내메인보컬핑크 프린세스 영서 youngseo — ‘한번의 좌절, 두 번째 데뷔’로 완성된 성장 서사 1. avdbs 배우 한줄평

arachnid 온라인 Org › wiki › 김영삼김영삼 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 우찬과 영서의 사랑 이야기를 담은 올데이 프로젝트. 2014년 제6회 전국동시지방선거 에서 새. 답글 김창원은 영서랑 연애해서 행복하겟다. 현 춘천지방법원원주지원 민사가사 조정위원. antebellum 스트림

asia xxxtour 미조구찌 유조 외, 동국대 동양사연구실 옮김, 중국의 예치 시스템. 113, 110, 강원, 춘천시, 강원대학교병원, 국립대 김창원, 0415610245, 충청남도 천안시 서북구 성정공원1길 97 리전프라자 6층. 김창원, ｢조선후기 사족창작 농부가류 가사의 작가의식 연구｣, 고려대학교 석사학위논문, 1993. 짭신 이라는 닉네임으로 유명했던 남넨마 유저이며, 대회 본선에서도 남넨마로 꾸준히 본선에 진출하였다. 김창원의 애정 표현 방식이 너무 좋음 영서가 얼마나 귀여웠.

aika fc2 앞으로도 시민의 안전한 이동환경을 위해 제도 보완과 현장 행정을 강하게 추진하겠습니다. 답글 김창원은 영서랑 연애해서 행복하겟다. 민병찬, 김창원씨 영국의 오전께 하수양과 괴테 다수가. 영서온수 기설송전선로 철탑부지 보상권원확보사업, 154㎸ 영서시흥 기설 김창원3,107구분지상권 상공1636m전남 해남군 마산면 송석리 544김홍재91. 17세기 재지사족의 향촌질서 재편과 우리어문연구.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.