축하 하트시그널4 김지영, 2월 결혼+임신 동시에 터졌다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

김지영은 7일 저에게 좋은 소식이 생겼다라며 평생 함께 산책할 사람이 생겼다라고 2월 결혼과 함께 혼전임신을 발표했다. 하트4 김지영, 청첩장 깜짝 공개11년 연애라니, 본. 김지영 씨는 두려움보다 더 큰 행복에 압도당했다고 표현하며 아이와 남편에 대한 깊은 애정을 드러냈어요 결국 결혼 날짜를 2월로 앞당기며, 이제는 연인을 넘어 한 아이의 부모로서 새로운 행복을 준비하고 있어요. 인스타그램 ‘하트시그널4’에 출연하며 얼굴을 알린 방송인 김지영이 결혼과 임신을 동시 발표했다.

Com › Article › 202601076203h하트시그널4 김지영, 2월 결혼임신 겹경사 한국경제.

청담동 2s 압구정스토어 천연 유기농 오일로 관리하는 전신.. 김지영의 게시물에 그의 예비 신랑은 우리 더도 말고, 덜도 말고, 딱 평생동안만 예쁘게 잘 살아보자.. 김지영 결혼 소식은 단순한 연예 뉴스가 아니라, 한 사람이 인생의 다음 단계를 선택하는 과정처럼 느껴졌다..

채널a ‘하트시그널4’에 출연하며 얼굴을 알린 김지영이 결혼과 임신을 동시 발표했다.

김지영 결혼 소식은 단순한 연예 뉴스가 아니라, 한 사람이 인생의 다음 단계를 선택하는 과정처럼 느껴졌다.

‘하트시그널4’에 출연하며 얼굴을 알린 방송인 김지영이 결혼과 임신을 동시 발표했다.. 김지영 결혼 소식은 단순한 연예 뉴스가 아니라, 한 사람이 인생의 다음 단계를 선택하는 과정처럼 느껴졌다..

Com › culturelife › kculture하시4 김지영, 결혼‧임신 동시 발표&mldr. 우연인 것만 같았던 모든 일들이 뒤돌아보니 필연처럼 여겨지고, 사소한 것일수록 달려가 나누고 싶은 사람이었다며 그렇게 평생 함께 산책할 사람이 생겼다고 결혼 소식을 전했다. Kr › entertain › celebritytopic하시 김지영, 결혼임신 발표 소중한 생명 찾아와&mldr, 관계자에 따르면 김지영은 결혼 준비 과정에서 임신을 알게 됐고. ‘하트시그널4’에 출연하며 얼굴을 알린 방송인 김지영이 결혼과 임신을 동시 발표했다. Days ago 대한민국 의 인플루언서 겸 유튜버.

김지영은 7일 자신의 sns에 저에게 좋은 소식이 생겼다는, Epn엔피나우 고나리 기자 김지영이 결혼과 출산을 앞두고 직접 근황을 공개하는 동시에, 오해를 일으킨 케이크 문구에 대한 해명을 내놓았다. 하트시그널 김지영, 2월 초 결혼임신 겹경사 국제뉴스.

하시4 김지영, 결혼임신 발표사업가 예비신랑 내가 잘할게 스타이슈 스타뉴스 원문 기사전송 20260107 1353 Ai챗으로 요약 스타뉴스 김나연 기자 사진김지영 예비신랑 인스타그램 하트시그널 시즌4에 출연해 얼굴을 알린 김지영이 결혼과 임신을.

〈하트시그널 4〉 김지영@_diyom_ 이 결혼과 임신이라는. 김지영은 27일 자신의 개인 계정에 결혼식 d5라며 이 즈음 저는. 한눈에 보는 오늘 방송가요 뉴스 뉴스엔 강민경 기자 채널a 하트시그널4 출연자 김지영이 결혼과 임신 소식을 동시에 발표했다. 하트시그널 김지영, 엄마된다사업가 남친과 2월 결혼. 채널a ‘하트시그널4’에 출연해 얼굴을 알린 인플루언서 김지영이 깜짝 결혼 소식과 함께 임신 사실을 발표했다.

Com › _diyom_김지영 @_diyom_ instagram photos and videos, Com › _diyom_김지영 @_diyom_ instagram photos and videos. 7일 김지영은 자신의 sns를 통해 결혼과 임신 소식을 동시에 알렸다.

남자 니삭스 디시 김지영은 1월 7일 자신의 소셜미디어에 재작년의 어느날 심하게 마음이 요동치는 사람을. 결혼임신 동시 발표 하트시그널 김지영 인스타 축하 물결 하트시. Com › star › 20260107하트시그널4 김지영, 결혼+임신 겹경사예비신랑독서모임 창업 사. 그니까 이번에 시부모님한테 임신공개 하니까 read more. 김지영은 저에게 좋은 소식이 생겼다며 재작년의 어느날 심하게 마음이 요동치는 사람을 만났다. 남자 이마라인 디시

너로시작하는단어 연애 예능 프로그램 ‘하트시그널4’에 출연하며 얼굴을 알린 인플루언서 김지영이 결혼과 임신이라는 겹경사를 맞았다. Com › whdwl2440 › 224145904181하트시그널4 김지영 결혼 총정리｜웨딩촬영부터 임신 소식까지 직접. 결혼 준비를 진행하던 중 임신 사실을 확인했으며, 현재 가족들과 주변 지인들의 따뜻한 축복 속에서 새 생명을 맞이할 준비를 하고 있는 것으로 알려졌습니다. 결혼 준비를 진행하던 중 임신 사실을 확인했으며, 현재 가족들과 주변 지인들의 따뜻한 축복 속에서 새 생명을 맞이할 준비를 하고 있는 것으로 알려졌습니다. 엑스포츠뉴스 김유진 기자 채널a 하트시그널4에 출연했던 인플루언서 김지영이 결혼과 임신을 동시 발표한 가운데, 남편의 정체에도 관심이 모이고 있다. 노바라 야동

네즈 뜻 〈하트시그널 4〉 김지영@_diyom_ 이 결혼과 임신이라는. 김지영은 7일 자신의 sns에 저에게 좋은 소식이 생겼다는. 하트시그널4 출신 김지영이 결혼과 임신 소식을 전했다. Com › news › articleview하시4 김지영, 결혼임신 발표 근황예비신랑 윤수영 누구. 하트4 김지영, 청첩장 깜짝 공개11년 연애라니, 본. 남자 암컷타락 디시

놀자 우회 7일 김지영은 자신의 sns를 통해 결혼과 임신 소식을 동시에 알렸다. 김지영은 7일 자신의 소셜미디어를 통해 저에게 좋은 소식이 생겼다며 원래는 새순이 돋아나는 계절의 기운을 빌려 4월의 신부를 꿈꿨다. 김지영은 7일 자신의 sns에 저에게 좋은 소식이 생겼다는 글을 적었다. 엑스포츠뉴스 김유진 기자 채널a 하트시그널4에 출연했던 인플루언서 김지영이 결혼과 임신을 동시 발표한 가운데, 남편의 정체에도 관심이 모이고 있다. Net › square › 4054188464더쿠 하시4 김지영, 결혼‧임신 동시 발표&mldr.

남2여1 디시 사진김지영 인스타그램 채널a 하트시그널4에 출연하며 인플루언서로 활동 중인 김지영이 열애를 고백하면서, 그 상대가 유명 벤처기업 ceo라는. 김지영은 7일 자신의 유튜브 채널에 저에게 좋은 소식이 생겼어요라는 글과 함께 영상을 올렸다. Com › kokr › news하트시그널4 김지영, 결혼임신 겹경사&mldr. 스포츠서울 서지현 기자 채널a ‘하트시그널4’ 출연자 김지영이 겹경사를 맞았다. 스포츠서울 서지현 기자 채널a ‘하트시그널4’ 출연자 김지영이 겹경사를 맞았다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.