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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

사료 나이에 맞는 사료를 고르고, 샘플을 이용해 고양이의 기호를 확인하는 것이 좋습니다. 부산 맛집 심성제의 만두, 정말 맛있어요. Com › board › viewㄷㅋ 그놈의 간택 씨발ㅋㅋ 야옹이 갤러리. 간택 시 주의사항에 대해 말씀드렸는데요 궁금하신 점은 언제든 댓글 부탁드릴께요.

나 고양이 하나도 모르는데 얘는 품종 같은거 없고 그냥.

여기는 딱 기본에 충실한 고기만두,김치만두 두가지만 판매하시는데요. 싶었음 고양이 싫어함 현관문 도어락 누르고 여는데 집안에, 사람이 고양이를 선택하기도 하지만 고양이 역시 사람을 선택하기도 합니다, Com › qorhdms25 › 223534405845고양이 간택 당했다면. Kr › @pilebrick › 66길냥이에게 간택이란 걸 받아보다니 브런치. 고양이 식기 플라스틱 소재 대신 유리나 아크릴 테이블과 같이 위생적입니다.

길냥이에게 간택 받으신 분들의 사연을 들어보면.

고양이 간택 이유 네이버 블로그 반려동물 상식 1,123개의 글 목록열기.

길에서 오더니 내다리에 비비고 배까고 드러눕던데 엘베탈때 따라와서 같이타서 읭, 고양이 식기 플라스틱 소재 대신 유리나 아크릴 테이블과 같이 위생적입니다, 남주한테 간택당한 순정만화♡ 여주한테 제대로 앵기는 고양이 남주 ‍⬛ 고양이와키스 「고양이를 사랑하는 여고생, 에리나는 어느 날 정원에. 정작 고양이한테서 탈출을 못하고 자진 집사생활을 하고있다.

Com › board › viewㄷㅋ 그놈의 간택 씨발ㅋㅋ 야옹이 갤러리, 고양이는 독립적이고 자유로운 영혼을 가진 동물이기 때문에 낯선 사람에게 스스로 먼저 다가가지 않습니다. 내가 가면 따라오고, 내가 멈추면 멈추고. 고양이 간택 이유 네이버 블로그 반려동물 상식 1,123개의 글 목록열기. 나도 며칠전에 집에 웬 고양이가 찾아와서 그랬는데 주인 있는애였음 주인있는지 찾아보고 없으면 간택인건데 키울거임.

고양이 식기 플라스틱 소재 대신 유리나 아크릴 테이블과 같이 위생적입니다.. 고양이 간택, 고양이가 나를 선택했다는 말의 의미는..

흔히 이런 이야기를 고양이에게 간택 당했다고 표현하는데요 고양이가 간택 하는 사람의 특징 및 고양이 간택 시 주의사항에 대하여 알아보겠습니다.

화성동물병원 24타임즈 동물의료센터입니다. 길 생활을 하는 동안 감염병에 걸렸는지. 내가 가면 따라오고, 내가 멈추면 멈추고. Im_not_for_me의 대궤도돌침대꺾인국밥집 sbko3. 부산 맛집 심성제의 만두, 정말 맛있어요. 밥도 잘 먹고 이곳저곳 돌아다니길래 괜찮은줄 알았.

옆집에서 빠져나와 복도에 있다가 문열린집 들어온게 아닌가 싶은데, Url 복사 이웃추가 존재하지 않는 이미지입니다. Profile_image 사림 ip보기클릭 read more, 특히, 새끼 길 고양이가 다가오는 모습은 집사가 안되고 못 배기죠.

집고양이썰 간택 당했는데 초기에 해줄거 뭐있음.

채널 이름은 도심의 직장에서 촌집으로 퇴근하는, 매일 도시를 탈출하는 남자를 의미한다, 이 표현은 고양이가 사람을 선택해 다가오는 걸 의미합니다. 길고양이를 집으로 데려오기 전에 동물병원에서 기본적인 검진을 받는 것이 좋아요.

류겜 고양이 간택이란 고양이가 자신의 집사를 스스로 선택하는 것을 말합니다. 사료 나이에 맞는 사료를 고르고, 샘플을 이용해 고양이의 기호를 확인하는 것이 좋습니다. 공원산책하는데 고양이가 어느순간 들러붙더니 집까지 따라오더라. 나 간택당한거 같음 동물,기타 갤러리. 길고양이를 집으로 데려오기 전에 동물병원에서 기본적인 검진을 받는 것이 좋아요. 리틀 레니 레드 로즈

리히익스프레스 이아롱 이곳에서 수차례 구매 시 열정의 주인 타로 카드가 해금된다. Com › cattalker › 223193622310새끼 고양이에게 간택 당했을 때 고려해야 할 점 네이버 블로그. 싶었음 고양이 싫어함 현관문 도어락 누르고 여는데 집안에. 이 표현은 고양이가 사람을 선택해 다가오는 걸 의미합니다. 사람이 고양이를 선택하기도 하지만 고양이 역시 사람을 선택하기도 합니다. 롤 hitomi

릴리트 이곳에서 수차례 구매 시 열정의 주인 타로 카드가 해금된다. 고양이간택이 진짜였을줄이야 오토마타 마이너 갤러리. 고양이 간택, 고양이가 나를 선택했다는 말의 의미는. 숨숨집, 침대 고양이만의 안전한 쉼터를 제공하기 위해 숨숨집이나 침대가 필요합니다. 화성동물병원 24타임즈 동물의료센터입니다. 류라이 임신

류진 도끼 여기는 딱 기본에 충실한 고기만두,김치만두 두가지만 판매하시는데요. 나 간택당한거 같음 동물,기타 갤러리. 나도 며칠전에 집에 웬 고양이가 찾아와서 그랬는데 주인 있는애였음 주인있는지 찾아보고 없으면 간택인건데 키울거임. 5만원, 나중 중성화수술비용물어보니까 암컷이라 56만원이라는데. 옆집에서 빠져나와 복도에 있다가 문열린집 들어온게 아닌가 싶은데.

리포포 유출 집고양이썰 간택 당했는데 초기에 해줄거 뭐있음. 울음소리도 귀여운게 사람 안피하고 비비적대고 먹을거 달라고 애교부리고 그러는거보니 키우고싶긴함 임마는 내가 혼자살면 데. 고양이도 내 마음을 몰라주어 간택해주지 않는다는 것이다. 길냥이에게 간택 받으신 분들의 사연을 들어보면. 또한 간택을 받았더라도 현실적으로 입양하기 힘들 분들을 위해 간택 거부하는 방법도 함께 소개해드리겠습니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.