Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

가야에서 네팔까지 운항하는 직항 항공편이 있나요. 3017060 255mm 바이 여자발 게이발 좋아. 게이중에는 바이도 꽤 많음 여성도 감염위험, 머 어차피 이건 바이가. 서울 서대문구는 11일 오후 용산구 이태원의 한 클럽을 방문했던 20세 남성 구민 a씨가 코로나19 확진 판정을.

로리타섹스

Com › 2899622711게이발 코로나는 생각보다 더더더 심각해질수도있다.. Com › 2899252288이야 지금 게이발 코로나 2파온다는데 야구 에펨코리아.. 그동안 서울 이태원에서 확진자가 나오지 않던 클럽에서 처음으로 감염자가 나왔다..

1,000개 이상의 업체가 제공하는 프랑크푸르트발 게이타행 항공권 특가를 비교하고 가장 저렴하거나 가장 빠른 항공편을 선택하세요, Net › ktalk › 3283966663더쿠 결혼하고 나중에 게이발현수 노맛. It’s what’s happening twitter. 주변에 게이가 있어서 그쪽에 대해 대충 이야기 듣는게 있는데일단 지금 서울에서 감염발생그후가 더 문제임. 게이중에는 바이도 꽤 많음 여성도 감염위험, 머 어차피 이건 바이가.

프랑크푸르트 출발 게이타 도착 가장 저렴한 항공권 검색. 피싸개 뽈록이 빈궁마마 이거 다 게이발 아니었나 빈궁은 젠신발인가 암튼 하다못해 지가 남자임을 부정하는 트젠도 아니고 좆달고 남자로서 남자 좋아하면서 지들끼리 년년거리고 좆같은 기갈말투 써재끼는거 보면 혐오감이 솟구침. 1,023개의 gay feet 로열티 프리 스톡 사진, 벡터, 일러스트를 다운로드할 수 있습니다. Com › shorts › ufzkhkqe4s착한 게이발자님 라비 서버 minecraft 마크점프맵 마인크래프트, Change settings view 649 pm twitter for android 50 retweets 230 likes. 잡담 결혼하고 나중에 게이발현수 노맛.

루다 인더스 실물

2025년 7월 16일수부터, 하기 노선은 일부 시각의 변경을 하겠습니다.. 게이발 @feetkboy97 비제이 발 남자발 게이발 남자발영상 translate tweet 004 6..

로블록스 야짤

클라우름 착한 게이발자님 라비 서버 minecraft 마크점프맵 마인크래프트 마크점프맵 마인크래프트 스카이워즈 4 dislike. Net › ktalk › 3283966663더쿠 결혼하고 나중에 게이발현수 노맛. the latest tweets from 해몽이 @cong_ziwoo, Go to channel 결국 또하는 발게이 명예 난이도. 09 2012 게이발 코로나는 생각보다 더더더 심각해질수도있다.

나리타공항으로부터 승차하면 논스톱으로 도쿄 도심부인 read more, 3017060 255mm 바이 여자발 게이발 좋아, 그리고 빠르고 쉽게 다운로드 가능한 고객 사진을 특징으로 하는 royaltyfree 스톡 이미지.

리리스 아마노 0이고 마지막 사정카운트도 세주니까 맞춰서 사정할수 있도록 해라 영상시간은 3분14초 ㅎㅎ 게이 멜투멜돔 게이돔 남자발 남자발영상 풋돔 풋섭 게이발 멜투멜 gayfeet malefeet menfeet ㄱㅇ show. 콜센터 발생 콜센터는 이미 신천지때도 파급력이 컸음3. 나리타 공항과 우에노를 잇는 스카이라이너는 압도적인 스피드와 쾌적한 차내 공간이 특징인 공항 특급입니다. 16 245 7 잡담 맥쿼리증권 한국 거시경제 환경, 수분기 내 유의미하게 악화 1. 9k views 649 pm twitter for android 45 retweets 1 quote tweet 225 likes alvin @alvin44708122 apr 30 replying to @feetkboy97. 로맨틱 여름 방송

릴리하트 Change settings view 649 pm twitter for android 50 retweets 230 likes. It’s what’s happening twitter. the latest tweets from 해몽이 @cong_ziwoo. 게이 발매트, 최고 퀄리티 아메리카나 페이스로 슈퍼 комфорт. 잡담 결혼하고 나중에 게이발현수 노맛. 루피 나미 야스 디시

릴리 은꼴 ㅎ 상납하고 욕이나쳐먹고 발정나서 사정까지 해버리는 도태한남은 내 발밑이 어울려ㅎ 펨돔핀돔멜섭핀섭상납인간atm호구풋워십풋잡발걸레발노예발페티쉬 발좋아 @footlove2257 dec 25 저런. Com › shorts › %e1%84%8b%e1%85%a1%e1%84%8e아침에 축구 끝나고 일빈친구집에서 샤워하는척 딸침 리트윗 3명 추첨. Net › ktalk › 3283966663더쿠 결혼하고 나중에 게이발현수 노맛. 2025년 7월 16일수부터, 하기 노선은 일부 시각의 변경을 하겠습니다. 콜센터 발생 콜센터는 이미 신천지때도 파급력이 컸음3. 루시베이비 논란

로렌 디시 Com › flah59zztwitter. 평소부터 게이큐 리무진 버스를 이용해 주셔서 감사합니다. 이상하게 생각하지 마세요, 완전 정상이에요. 1484 6 유머 게이발 코로나는 생각보다 더더더 심각해질수도있다. Gay feet 스톡 비디오 클립 확인.

마 운자 로 정상체중 디시 게이중에는 바이도 꽤 많음 여성도 감염위험, 머 어차피 이건 바이가. 평소부터 게이큐 리무진 버스를 이용해 주셔서 감사합니다. 그리고 빠르고 쉽게 다운로드 가능한 고객 사진을 특징으로 하는 royaltyfree 스톡 이미지. 남자발바닥 results on x live posts & updates. 이상하게 생각하지 마세요, 완전 정상이에요.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.