Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

This content isnt available. 24 ㅌㅊㅇ는 롤에서 만들어진 용어지만 게임내에서 상대방이 자신보다 못하면 실력 차이가 많이 난다는 의미로 사용됩니다 ㅈㅈ는 good game gg를 자음 그대로 입력한걸로 수고하셨습니다, 좋은 게임이었습니다 라는 의미로 보면 됩니다 오늘의 핫 초이스. ㅌㅈㅇ是什么意思？ what does ㅌㅈㅇ mean. 일단 ㅌㅊㅇ는 팀차이 이고 ㅈㅈ는 gg good game을 뜻합니다.

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존예 발레리나걸의 섹트

발로란트 게임 끝나면 사람들이 ㅈㅈ ㅌㅊㅇ. This content isnt available, Maybe the speaker wanted to mock his opposing team, by saying the top. 현재는 그렇게 자주 사용되지 않았지만 2020년 초반에만 해도 자주 게임이 끝나고 영상이 올라오곤 했습니다. Com › board › viewㅌㅊㅇ ㅈㅈ 발로란트 갤러리, 차례대로 미드차이, 서폿차이, 탑차이, 원딜차이, 정글차이를 나타내는 말입니다.

Maybe the speaker wanted to mock his opposing team, by saying the top of your team is worse than my teams top, and thats why your team lost to my team.. 발로란트 바이퍼와 캐릭터 괴물의 조화.. Days ago ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 2026..

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Wp는 well play 라는 의미로 좋은 게임을 했다는 인삿말입니다, 탑차이 tapchai in lol you have top, mid, bottom. ㅈㅈ굿겜 ㅇㅍ오픈 주로 멘탈 나갔을때 라인잔을 포기하면서 슴 ㅈㄱㅊㅇ정글차이 우리정글 뭐하냐는뜻 그외에도 ㅁㄷㅊㅇ ㅌㅊㅇ 등이 있음 15ㄱ15서렌을 치자는것. 발로란트 바이퍼와 캐릭터 괴물의 조화. Com › questions › 17704028what is the meaning of ㅌㅈㅇ是什么意思？ what does ㅌㅈㅇ mean. It is a slang saying that the cause of the games win or loss was the difference in the top line.

ㅌㅊㅇ ㅌㅊㅇ definition of ㅌㅊㅇ 탑차이 thats the term for the online game league of legends, ㅈㅈ 잡담 lck lpl lec lta lcp 기타리그 협곡칼바람 정보 경기움짤 이벤트 공지. 발로란트 바이퍼와 캐릭터 괴물의 조화.

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브롤 브롤볼 브롤스타즈 켄지 팀차이 ㅌㅊㅇ 쇼츠 ㅌㅊㅇ, 탑차이 tapchai in lol you have top, mid, bottom. Com › qna › detail발로란트 ㅌㅊㅇ ㅈㅈ 지식in.

24 ㅌㅊㅇ는 롤에서 만들어진 용어지만 게임내에서 상대방이 자신보다 못하면 실력 차이가 많이 난다는 의미로 사용됩니다 ㅈㅈ는 good game gg를 자음 그대로 입력한걸로 수고하셨습니다, 좋은 게임이었습니다 라는 의미로 보면 됩니다 오늘의 핫 초이스. 발로란트캐릭터, 나무괴물캐릭터, 발로란트 캐릭터 그림, 발로란트 캐릭터 일러스트. 게임을 하는 경우에느 gg나 ㅈㅈ 대신에 wp를 채팅창에 치기도 하는데요, If top is better, at that time, you can say it 탑차이 or ㅌㅊㅇ for top line gap ability.

브롤 브롤볼 브롤스타즈 켄지 팀차이 ㅌㅊㅇ 쇼츠 ㅌㅊㅇ, 이렇게 했는데 진거면 ㅌㅊㅇ인가요 아님 뭐때문에 진걸까요. Also, its commonly used as a sign of surrendering when losing the game, Com › questions › 17704028what is the meaning of ㅌㅈㅇ是什么意思？ what does ㅌㅈㅇ mean.

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ㅌㅊㅇ, ㅈㄱㅊㅇ, ㅁㄷㅊㅇ, ㅇㄷㅊㅇ, ㅅㅍㅊㅇ, ㅂㅌㅊㅇ, 상체차이, 하체, 네이버 블로그 전체보기 2,795개의 글 목록열기, 초성 해석기 사이트 바로가기 초성체 해석기 한국어 형태소 분석기 kiwi를 개량하여 초성체를 해석하는 kneser ney 모델로 구축되였습니다.

이렇게 했는데 진거면 ㅌㅊㅇ인가요 아님 뭐때문에 진걸까요 에이스도했는데.. 일단 ㅌㅊㅇ는 팀차이 이고 ㅈㅈ는 gggood game을 뜻합니다..

발로란트 바이퍼와 캐릭터 괴물의 조화. This content isnt available, Leagueoflegends gaming, So ㅌㅊㅇ means the gap between tops ablility, as i guess, Ex ㅌㅊㅇ탑차이, ㅅㅍㅊㅇ서폿차이 보통은 라이너가 라인전이나 운영 등으로 압도할 때 적군, 아군 가리지 않고 쓰는 말이며, 반대로 상대 라이너에게 졌지만. 💫 @givmegalaxy posts x.

전은미 출사 섹스 현재는 그렇게 자주 사용되지 않았지만 2020년 초반에만 해도 자주 게임이 끝나고 영상이 올라오곤 했습니다. 탑차이 tapchai in lol you have top, mid, bottom. Days ago 어제 말했던대로 리제로 이어보기 2026. 일단 ㅌㅊㅇ는 팀차이 이고 ㅈㅈ는 gggood game을 뜻합니다. 발로란트 게임 끝나면 사람들이 ㅈㅈ ㅌㅊㅇ. 정준영 리즈

정로 몸캠 이 친구 조용히 쳐맞기만 하다가 9뎃하고도 겜 이기니까 ㅌㅊㅇ라고 하던데 생각해보니 단순 도발이 아니라 라인전 내내 두들겨 맞은 거 쌓아놨다가 전세 기우니까 화풀이 하는 거였음 시발 + 보나마나 클레드. ㅌㅊㅇ, ㅈㄱㅊㅇ, ㅁㄷㅊㅇ, ㅇㄷㅊㅇ, ㅅㅍㅊㅇ, ㅂㅌㅊㅇ, 상체차이, 하체. ㅌㅈㅇはどういう意味ですか。 의 정의 ohis it from lol. ㅌㅊㅇ ㅌㅊㅇ ㅌㅊㅇ의 정의 탑차이 thats the term for the online game league of legends. Maybe the speaker wanted to mock his opposing team, by saying the top of your team is worse than my teams top, and thats why your team lost to my team. 정액계약

제니모드 스킨 이러한 @@ㅊㅇ는 초성만을 이용해 말을 하는 채팅문화에서 유래가 된 말들입니다. So ㅌㅊㅇ means the gap between tops ablility, as i guess. 이렇게 했는데 진거면 ㅌㅊㅇ인가요 아님 뭐때문에 진걸까요 에이스도했는데. 이러한 @@ㅊㅇ는 초성만을 이용해 말을. 차례대로 미드차이, 서폿차이, 탑차이, 원딜차이, 정글차이를 나타내는 말입니다. 제니퍼 코넬리 출연 tv 프로그램

정액 먹이기 디시 우리나라에서 ㅈㅈ를 쓸 때와 비슷한 의미로 사용합니다. Days ago 어제 말했던대로 리제로 이어보기 2026. 네이버 블로그 전체보기 2,795개의 글 목록열기. ㅈㅈ 잡담 lck lpl lec lta lcp 기타리그 협곡칼바람 정보 경기움짤 이벤트 공지. Com › questions › 17704028what is the meaning of ㅌㅈㅇ是什么意思？ what does ㅌㅈㅇ mean.

전남친작품 디시 5 좆밥 ㅈㅅ 죄송, 죄송합니다 ㅈㅈ 1 gg. Good game의 준말로, 게임이 끝났을 때 자주 쓴다. ㅌㅈㅇはどういう意味ですか。 의 정의 ohis it from lol. Com › qna › detail발로란트 ㅌㅊㅇ ㅈㅈ 지식in. 우리나라에서 ㅈㅈ를 쓸 때와 비슷한 의미로 사용합니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.